nehru's speech on independence day 1947

Tryst with Destiny – Speech on 15 August 1947 by Nehru

On the eve of 15 th August 1947, the first Prime Minister of India, Pundit Jawaharlal Nehru, gave a famous speech addressed to the Indian Constituent Assembly and the pupils of the country. The speech was delivered in the intervening night of 14 th and 15 th August 1947 and is by far the most impressive speeches of the 20 th century.

In his speech Pt. Nehru spoke about the responsibility of a united and progressive nation, bestowed on the Constituent Assembly. He spoke that instead of resting it is the time for us to move and build the nation, which our great freedom fighters and leaders had aspired.

Speech on 15 August 1947 by Nehru

“Tryst with Destiny” was the title of the speech given on the midnight of 15 th August 1947 by the first Prime Minister of India Jawaharlal Nehru just after the independence of country. He had given speech to the Indian Constituent Assembly in The Parliament in the midnight. The speech given by him is one of the greatest speeches of all times focusing on the history of India and non-violent Indian independence struggle for getting freedom from the British Empire in India.

He gave a message to the nation first time through his speech after independence of the country. His speech was so much inspirational encouraging the mass people of India for the upliftment and development. The aim of his speech was to motivate Indian people in order to build a new and developed India through their hard work, zeal and enthusiasm. His message was to fight and remove all the social evils of the country such as illiteracy, ignorance, poverty, poor health conditions, etc to lead country towards the development.

His speech was to urge Indian people to actively participate in the nation-building process. Through his speech he had also emphasized the concept of equality among the Indian citizens. He paid homage to the Mother India and took pledge to save her in every condition in the future from the rivals. He also made a call to all the Indian citizens to show their togetherness and interest to all the services of Motherland. Following is the exact speech given by the first Prime Minister of India, Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, on 15 th of August 1947 in the midnight:

Jawaharlal Nehru’s Speech to the Nation on the Independence Day

Tryst with destiny.

“Long years ago we made a tryst with destiny, and now the time comes when we shall redeem our pledge, not wholly or in full measure, but very substantially. At the stroke of the midnight hour, when the world sleeps, India will awake to life and freedom. A moment comes, which comes but rarely in history, when we step out from the old to the new, when an age ends, and when the soul of a nation, long suppressed, finds utterance.

It is fitting that at this solemn moment we take the pledge of dedication to the service of India and her people and to the still larger cause of humanity with some pride.

At the dawn of history India started on her unending quest, and trackless centuries which are filled with her striving and the grandeur of her success and her failures. Through good and ill fortunes alike she has never lost sight of that quest or forgotten the ideals which gave her strength. We end today a period of ill fortunes and India discovers herself again.

The achievement we celebrate today is but a step, an opening of opportunity, to the greater triumphs and achievements that await us. Are we brave enough and wise enough to grasp this opportunity and accept the challenge of the future?

Freedom and power bring responsibility. The responsibility rests upon this assembly, a sovereign body representing the sovereign people of India. Before the birth of freedom we have endured all the pains of labour and our hearts are heavy with the memory of this sorrow. Some of those pains continue even now. Nevertheless, the past is over and it is the future that beckons to us now.

That future is not one of ease or resting but of incessant striving so that we might fulfill the pledges we have so often taken and the one we shall take today. The service of India means the service of the millions who suffer. It means the ending of poverty and ignorance and disease and inequality of opportunity.

The ambition of the greatest man of our generation has been to wipe every tear from every eye. That may be beyond us, but as long as there are tears and suffering, so long our work will not be over.

And so we have to labour and to work, and work hard, to give reality to our dreams. Those dreams are for India, but they are also for the world, for all the nations and peoples are too closely knit together today for anyone of them to imagine that it can live apart.

Peace has been said to be indivisible; so is freedom, so is prosperity now, and so also is disaster in this one world that can no longer be split into isolated fragments.

To the people of India, whose representatives we are, we make an appeal to join us with faith and confidence in this great adventure. This is no time for petty and destructive criticism, no time for ill will or blaming others. We have to build the noble mansion of free India where all her children may dwell.

The appointed day has come – the day appointed by destiny – and India stands forth again, after long slumber and struggle, awake, vital, free and independent. The past clings on to us still in some measure and we have to do much before we redeem the pledges we have so often taken. Yet the turning point is past, and history begins anew for us, the history which we shall live and act and others will write about.

It is a fateful moment for us in India, for all Asia and for the world. A new star rises, the star of freedom in the east, a new hope comes into being, a vision long cherished materialises. May the star never set and that hope never be betrayed!

We rejoice in that freedom, even though clouds surround us, and many of our people are sorrow-stricken and difficult problems encompass us. But freedom brings responsibilities and burdens and we have to face them in the spirit of a free and disciplined people.

On this day our first thoughts go to the architect of this freedom, the father of our nation, who, embodying the old spirit of India, held aloft the torch of freedom and lighted up the darkness that surrounded us.

We have often been unworthy followers of his and have strayed from his message, but not only we but succeeding generations will remember this message and bear the imprint in their hearts of this great son of India, magnificent in his faith and strength and courage and humility. We shall never allow that torch of freedom to be blown out, however high the wind or stormy the tempest.

Our next thoughts must be of the unknown volunteers and soldiers of freedom who, without praise or reward, have served India even unto death.

We think also of our brothers and sisters who have been cut off from us by political boundaries and who unhappily cannot share at present in the freedom that has come. They are of us and will remain of us whatever may happen, and we shall be sharers in their good and ill fortune alike.

The future beckons to us. Whither do we go and what shall be our endeavour? To bring freedom and opportunity to the common man, to the peasants and workers of India; to fight and end poverty and ignorance and disease; to build up a prosperous, democratic and progressive nation, and to create social, economic and political institutions which will ensure justice and fullness of life to every man and woman.

We have hard work ahead. There is no resting for any one of us till we redeem our pledge in full, till we make all the people of India what destiny intended them to be.

We are citizens of a great country, on the verge of bold advance, and we have to live up to that high standard. All of us, to whatever religion we may belong, are equally the children of India with equal rights, privileges and obligations. We cannot encourage communalism or narrow-mindedness, for no nation can be great whose people are narrow in thought or in action.

To the nations and peoples of the world we send greetings and pledge ourselves to cooperate with them in furthering peace, freedom and democracy.

And to India, our much-loved motherland, the ancient, the eternal and the ever-new, we pay our reverent homage and we bind ourselves afresh to her service. Jai Hind.”

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A tryst with destiny

Freedom and Fragmentation: Images of Independence, Decolonisation and Partition at Cambridge University

By Stuart Roberts

Jawaharlal Nehru, the first Prime Minister of India, delivering his Tryst with Destiny speech on the eve of independence. It is considered to be one of the greatest speeches of the 20th century.

Jawaharlal Nehru, delivering his Tryst with Destiny speech.

Tryst with Destiny - audio recording

"Long years ago we made a tryst with destiny, and now the time comes when we shall redeem our pledge, not wholly or in full measure, but very substantially. At the stroke of the midnight hour, when the world sleeps, India will awake to life and freedom. A moment comes, which comes but rarely in history, when we step out from the old to new, when an age ends, and when the soul of a nation, long suppressed, finds utterance... ...The ambition of the greatest man of our generation has been to wipe every tear from every eye. That may be beyond us, but so long as there are tears and suffering, so long our work will not be over. And so we have to labour and to work, and work hard, to give reality to our dreams. Those dreams are for India, but they are also for the world." An excerpt from Jawaharlal Nehru's Tryst of Destiny speech, August 15, 1947

Refugees affected by the partition of India rebuilding their lives.

Soldiers of the newly-formed Pakistani Army during a training exercise.

At the stroke of midnight

Three figures stand next to an early border post between new nation-states of India and Pakistan: The geographical challenges of the border between India and Pakistan – which runs across vast expanses of desert, mountain, glacier and forest – are extreme. To this day, it remains the most militarised border in the world.

Two figures stand next to an early border post between new nation-states of India and Pakistan: To this day, it remains the most militarised border in the world.

On August 15, 1947, at the stroke of midnight, India and Pakistan achieved independence from British rule – signalling the beginning of the end of the largest empire in history.

Their freedom had been hard fought and came at a huge cost. Contrary to legend, the British had not been keen to devolve power gradually. This struggle for sovereignty took many forms: violent and non-violent, elite and popular, religious and secular, plural and separatist.

To celebrate the 70th anniversary of Independence, Cambridge’s Centre of South Asian Studies is staging a unique exhibition over four floors of the Alison Richard Building – drawing on the Centre’s unparalleled collection of more than 100,000 photographs, 600 written collections, 900 maps and thousands of hours of film footage.

While the exhibition’s primary focus is on partition and independence, the collection covers more than 200 years of life under The Raj and the early decades of post-colonial India.

Featuring first-hand photographs of Gandhi, Nehru and Jinnah – and highlighting female assassins, refugees and the personal stories of those affected by the British withdrawal, Freedom and Fragmentation: Images of Independence, Decolonisation and Partition runs until October 27, 2017.

Exhibition poster

Co-curator Dr Edward Anderson, Smuts Research Fellow in Commonwealth Studies, said: “Partition was a painful, traumatic experience for tens of millions of people. Hundreds of thousands lost their lives and up to 14 million people were displaced in the single largest migration in human history.

“We are not saying this is the definitive story of partition and independence – it’s the one drawn from our collections. We want people to learn more about the way in which India and Pakistan gained their freedom – and the colonial state from which they achieved it.

“Everyone knows about Gandhi, but there was lots of violence and revolutionary movements with competing images of what an independent India should be like. Each floor of the exhibition explores one of four themes: Repression and Resistance, Ideas of Independence, Partition, and The Raj.”

Director of the Centre of South Asian Studies Professor Joya Chaterji said: “This exhibition explores what freedom meant to people on the ground as power was transferred not to one, but to two nations – India and Pakistan – and euphoria mingled with the agony of refugees, and relief with horror at the brutality of partition.

“We need to be conscious that our archive is an elite archive, primarily seen through the eyes of elite, white men which can obscure and silence many other versions of what was happening at that point. That’s what archives do, not just this one. Despite this caveat, we believe that the images and texts on display provide a rare insight into a pivotal moment in history.”

Clara Quien sculpting a bust of Louis Mountbatten, the last Viceroy of India: Clara Quien was an award-winning artist who sculpted many heads of state.

Repression & Resistance

Gandhi on hunger strike: An intimate portrait of the Mahatma by Reverend Stait, during one of his hunger strikes. Fasting was an instrument in Gandhi’s armoury of political protest: his violence against his own body captured the public imagination and generated considerable press coverage. British officials were always anxious when Gandhi went on these uncompromising fasts, particularly by the potential for widespread civil unrest if he died.

Gandhi on hunger strike. An intimate portrait of the Mahatma by Reverend Stait, during one of his hunger strikes. Fasting was an instrument in Gandhi’s armoury of political protest: his violence against his own body captured the public imagination and generated considerable press coverage. British officials were always anxious when Gandhi went on these uncompromising fasts, particularly by the potential for widespread civil unrest if he died.

A hand-made hand grenade seized from the revolutionary freedom fighter Dinesh Chandra Majumdar on 30 August 1930: The bomb’s shell was made of aluminium. It was cut into serrated sections, each of which was intended to fly off like bullets when exploded. Majumdar was arrested in 1932 and hanged.

A ‘Quit India’ flyer lays out the movement’s demands: By the end of 1942, 250 railway stations had been destroyed, and 50 post offices burnt to the ground. 31 policemen and 11 military personnel had been killed, several by being burnt to death. It was only with a combination of aerial bombardment, shooting to kill protesters, public flogging, and collective fines on whole villages that the British were able to reestablish control.

Desecrated grave of Regimental Sgt. Major Jospeh William Farrell, ‘killed in execution of his duty on 19 April 1930’, one day after the Chittagong Armoury Raid: Led by Surjya Sen of the revolutionary Anushilan Samity, the Chittagong rebels’ audacious plan was to capture the two main armouries, destroy the telegraph and telephone office, and take as hostages members of the European Club, the majority of whom were government or military officials.

In its last decades, British rule in India faced resistance on many fronts, and in many forms.

Despite Gandhi’s global renown, in India his advocacy of non-violent non-cooperation did not persuade everyone. Some Indians responded to imperial repression by establishing revolutionary societies which tried to force the British out of India by violence.

Most such societies bound members by Hindu oaths, denying membership to Muslims. Mainstream political parties largely distanced themselves from ‘extremists’, insisting on non-violent anti-colonial campaigns based on unity between Muslims and Hindus.

Gandhi’s campaigns to boycott imported goods and alcohol, to ‘uplift’ villages, and break unjust laws sat alongside liberal efforts to reform the Raj by constitutional means. But at the time, and in the years since, the militant revolutionaries have maintained a powerful hold on the popular imagination.

The era was one of intellectual ferment, in which a variety of ideologies vied for support. Several men and women who shaped visions for independent India and Pakistan were educated at Cambridge, but their dreams for the country did not always align.

Jawaharlal Nehru, who studied natural sciences at Trinity College, Cambridge, aspired to socialist, secular, and democratic India, while Muhammed Iqbal, also an alumnus of Trinity, saw Pakistan as a crucible for Islam’s global rejuvenation.

Sarojini Naidu, the poetess who studied at Girton, sought a grand pact between India’s Hindus and Muslims. This was later orchestrated by Mohammad Ali Jinnah in 1916, then a Congress-minded nationalist and liberal.

Jinnah (not a Cambridge graduate) would later go on to become Pakistan’s ‘Quaid-i-Azam’, or great leader, and founding Governor General. 

Aurobindo Ghose of King’s College led the Jugantar revolutionary society, and Subhas Chandra Bose of Fitzwilliam College forged alliances with Britain’s opponents in World War II.

Choudhary Rahmat Ali, educated at Emmanuel College Cambridge, envisioned of a federation of Muslim states of Pakistan.

Ali (1897–1951) was one of the earliest proponents of the creation of the state of Pakistan. He is credited with creating the name "Pakistan" for a confederation of Muslim homelands in South Asia.

Rahmat Ali taught at the elite Aitchison College in Lahore before graduating from Emmanuel in 1931. He is best known as the author of a famous 1933 pamphlet titled Now or Never; Are We to Live or Perish Forever in which he coined the word ‘Pakistan’ for the first time.

The final partition of India disillusioned him profoundly, on account of the mass killings and migrations it generated. He was also dissatisfied with the territories awarded to Pakistan, which bore little relation to his maps and plans.

Ali died in 1951 of pneumonia in Cambridge at the age of 53. The Master of Emmanuel, Edward Welbourne, who had been Rahmat Ali’s tutor during his student days, covered his hospital and funeral costs. He is buried in Cambridge City Cemetery.

The High Commissioner for Pakistan later repaid these expenses. In 2004, Tariq Azim, the Minister for Overseas Pakistanis, visited the grave with a view to his remains being sent to Pakistan, but this idea was never followed through.

Forensic photographs of the murder scene of Lieutenant-Colonel Simpson : On 8 December 1930, in one of the most daring assassinations of the era, three young men of the revolutionary ‘Bengal Volunteers’ group murdered Lt. Col N. S. Simpson, Inspector General of Police. His murder was particularly bold as it took place in his (usually impenetrable) office in Writers’ Building, Calcutta, the seat of the Government of Bengal. Simpson was targeted for the brutal conditions suffered by Indians in jails.

Choudhary Rahmat Ali pamplets from the collections of the Centre of South Asian Studies, University of Cambridge.

Grave of Choudhary Rahmat Ali (who coined the word 'Pakistan') in Cambridge City Cemetery. Photo: Edward Anderson, 2017.

Santi Ghose and Suniti Choudhury, assassins: Santi Ghose, born in Calcutta in 1916, was a founding member of the Chhatri Sangha (Girl Students’ Association). In 1931 she joined the Jugantar Party, a Bengali revolutionary organisation. She trained in firearms, sword-fighting, and martial arts. The same year, together with Suniti Choudhury, she shot and killed magistrate Charles Stevens in his office with a gun concealed under her shawl. The girls were aged 17 and 15 respectively. To Ghose’s dismay, she was imprisoned rather than executed. Released in 1939, she went on to play an active role in public life.

Crowds at the funeral of revolutionaries.

Letter to The Observer on Jallianwala Bagh massacre: Sir John Smyth – a Brigadier Major in Lahore at the time of the event – writing to The Observer in the wake of one of the most significant atrocities committed by the British in India. The massacre took place in the Punjabi city of Amritsar, a short distance from the Sikh Golden Temple. Many hundreds were killed and the episode is widely considered to be a major cause of the loss of British legitimacy in the Punjab.

Ideas of Independence

Mohammed Ali Jinnah reading The Dawn: Founded by Jinnah in 1941, The Dawn was the official mouthpiece of the All India Muslim League. Mohammad Ali ‘Jinnahbhai’ was born in 1876 and travelled to England in 1892. It was there that politics began to consume him. On his return to India he joined the Indian National Congress, quickly making a mark in nationalist circles in Bombay. He famously refused to back down after a speech on indentured Indian labour in Natal, which he denounced as ‘harsh and cruel’, despite objections from the Viceroy, Lord Minto.

Tensions between Hindus, Muslims and Sikhs began to escalate in the mid-1920s, amid widespread popular unrest and post-war hardship.

The ‘Lucknow Pact’ between the Indian National Congress and the Muslim League – the cause of much optimism in 1916 – gradually unravelled.

Mohammed Ali Jinnah, the architect of the 1916 Pact – broke with the Congress by 1935 and revived the All-India Muslim League.

In 1940, soon after the beginning of World War II, the League’s ambiguous Lahore Resolution pressed for the creation of not one, but several, sovereign Muslim-majority states, when the British quit India.

In 1945, at the end of the war, Clement Atlee’s Labour government came to power with a novel policy for India.

Whereas Churchill had insisted that he would not preside over the dismemberment of the British Empire, Atlee concluded that in the context of the huge challenges of domestic post-war reconstruction, Britain’s grip on India was too weak to be sustained.

An ‘escape from empire’ had to be contrived.

The ‘Transfer of Power’ negotiations included leaders of the Muslim League, the Congress, and representatives of the British Cabinet (pictured here with Gandhi).

After months of efforts to reach a rapprochement between the Congress and the League, it became clear that the Congress was not willing to recognise the League as the representative of India’s Muslims or grant the safeguards it demanded on their behalf.

Lord Louis Mountbatten, sent out to oversee the handover of power, decided that instead of taking two years to organise the partition process, as was originally envisaged, he would wrap it up in under six months.

On 14 and 15 August 1947, India and Pakistan – which together had been the ‘jewel in the crown’ of the British Empire – became independent nations.

By the late 1960s, most of Britain’s empire around the world had been dismantled. In 1971, after a brief but brutal Liberation War, East Pakistan declared its independence as Bangladesh.

Pakistan and India flags raised at the border: National flags – among the most powerful and recognisable symbols of nationalism – were hoisted at the border post of Wagah, separating the two parts of divided Punjab. The daily lowering of Indian and Pakistani flags at Wagah – one of the main crossing points between the two nations – has become an extraordinary, theatrical, and highly charged spectacle, attracting audiences from far and wide. It represents a curious mix of aggressive jingoism and practical cooperation.

These silent films, from the Centre's collections, show refugees moving between the new borders of India and Pakistan. The footage was taken on both sides of Punjab's border during 1947.

Partition – rushed through in under three months – was accompanied by widespread violence, particularly in the province of Punjab.

About 750,000 people are thought to have died and more than 14 million people crossed the borders between India and Pakistan, in the single largest mass migration in human history.

Refugees in temporary camps: Humayun’s Tomb, Delhi, 1947 (courtesy of the Partition Museum, Amritsar. Over 300,000 Muslims were displaced during the riots in Delhi in September 1947. Many took shelter in the 16th-century tomb of Humayun, the second Mughal emperor, and other temporary shelters, hoping to return home; others boarded ‘refugee special’ trains for Pakistan.

Millions more fled their homes, seeking shelter in neighbouring regions where their co-religionists were clustered.

The new borders between India and Pakistan were not published until after partition, and so many did not know whether their district was now in India or in Pakistan; and the uncertainty aggravated the chaos and panic.

Refugees resting with their possessions: (Courtesy of the Partition Museum, Amritsar). Refugees travelled by foot and bullock cart, carrying a few possessions with them, in long ‘caravans’ of other refugees like themselves, seeking security in numbers. These caravans were often several miles long. Many were attacked by opportunistic marauders, or by refugees fleeing in the other direction. About 750,000 people are believed to have lost their lives during the communal violence of this time.

The governments of India and Pakistan assisted, as far as they were able, with the rehabilitation of the refugees from the Punjab and other areas deemed exceptionally ‘disturbed’.

But all other refugees had to rebuild their lives using their own networks of connections, and their meagre personal resources. Some did so with remarkable success.

However, the poorest among them, as well as unaccompanied widows and girls, fared less well, living for years in very basic camps.

Refugees rebuilding their lives: Ian Stephens, a Fellow of Kings College Cambridge, played a role in the establishment of the Centre of South Asian Studies in the 1960s, to which he donated a large collection of photographs and papers. He was the editor of The Statesman, a leading daily newspaper. After partition he stayed on in Pakistan.

Some of these camps still exist in India and remain home to refugee orphans and widows, particularly in divided Bengal, where refugees continue to flow across borders to the present day.

Map of divided Punjab, 1947: In 1947, barrister Sir Cyril Radcliffe chairing the two Boundary Commissions (Bengal and Punjab), hastily drew the ‘Radcliffe Line’. He demarked new borders on the basis of existing revenue maps, dividing India and Pakistan on the basis of ‘contiguous areas of Muslims and non-Muslims’. Inevitably, this left millions of people stranded in the ‘wrong’ country.

Plan of border post, circa 1950: Much of the border remained un-demarcated on the ground, particularly the border between East Pakistan (later Bangladesh) and India. Brigadier Mainprice, an officer in the Indian army before independence, was asked to remain in Pakistan to assist in the creation of the Pakistan army. He designing border controls like the one pictured here.

Refugee Women learning how to spin yarn, 1947 (Courtesy the Partition Museum): The government of India undertook to train unaccompanied refugee women and girls in tasks that would make them capable of becoming self-reliant citizens. In this poster, such a programme is underway, under the anxious gaze of Nehru. Most such projects failed. Some camps for these women, seen by the state as ‘permanent liabilities’, are still in existence in India.

Colonel and Mrs Showers (with dog), Jaipur, 1910: This formal portrait of Colonel and Mrs Herbert Lionel Showers was taken while Colonel Showers was Officiating Resident of Jaipur in Rajasthan. Colonel Showers (1862-1916) was part of a long family line of officers in the British Indian Army from the late eighteenth century onwards. Mrs Showers, seen in this picture, first travelled to India in 1902, attended the Delhi Durbar in December that year, and married Herbert Lionel Showers – then in the Political Service in Nainital – the following year.

Colonel Showers (with dog), Jaipur, 1910: This formal portrait of Colonel and Mrs Herbert Lionel Showers was taken while Colonel Showers was Officiating Resident of Jaipur in Rajasthan. Colonel Showers (1862-1916) was part of a long family line of officers in the British Indian Army from the late eighteenth century onwards. Mrs Showers, seen in this picture, first travelled to India in 1902, attended the Delhi Durbar in December that year, and married Herbert Lionel Showers – then in the Political Service in Nainital – the following year.

The British sought to maintain a careful distance from most Indians, sheltering in ‘white towns’, clubs and cantonments. The wives of British officers ran households full of Indian servants, each with assigned tasks, and socialised only with other Britons of equal rank.

The richest collections in the archive at the Centre of South Asian Studies relate to the professional and social lives of Britons in colonial India. These materials reveal much about how power was exercised at different levels of government.

The Centre's documents and images throw light on the relationships imperial officers developed with influential Indians to help them rule on the ground, aided by mapping and census surveys. Princes, landlords, and chiefs were seen as bulwarks of British rule in this era, and the British carefully cultivated their loyalty.

British colonial power represented itself through theatrical rituals of power such as the durbar, and grandiose monuments of Lutyens’ Delhi, with its syncretic blend of Mughal and neo-classical architectural styles.

Coronation Durbar panorama: The ‘Delhi Durbar’ (Court of Delhi) was an extraordinary series of three mass assemblies – in 1877, 1903, and 1911 – the final one commemorating the coronation of King George V and proclaiming him the Emperor of India. The Durbar was an epic display of power and status for the British (albeit in the face of rising anti-colonial sentiment).

Coronation Durbar panorama, 1911.

But in reality, the closest that most Indians got to the colonial state – particularly in rural regions (which, in 1947, were home to over 80% of the population) – was perhaps a post-box and the occasional visit of a district collector. How deeply colonial policies transformed the subcontinent is a subject that historians continue to debate.

Added Anderson: "We want people to learn more about the way in which India and Pakistan gained their freedom - and the colonial state from which they achieved it.

"Although Gandhi is still revered as a central figure, it is undeniably the case that at the time - and to this day - it's often the militant revolutionaries who have held the firmest grip on the imagination of the population.

"One simple reason is that the stories are captivating: people dressing up in disguises, smuggling themselves and weapons, and operating in secret.

"Gandhi's non-violent approach was not necessarily subscribed to by the entire population. Even today, there is a lasting iconography around figures like (revolutionary) Chandra Shekhar Azad who many saw as striking back at a colonial state that subjugated Indians both physically and psychologically.

"Our exhibition, using the remarkable and unique archives of the Centre of South Asian Studies, is a window on one of the defining and most tumultuous moments of the 20th century."

Freedom and Fragmentation: Images of Independence, Decolonisation and Partition runs until October 27, 2017 at the Alison Richard Building, 7 West Road, Cambridge.

Words: Stuart Roberts, Edward Anderson, Joya Chatterji

Film: Kevin Greenbank

Images: Centre of South Asian Studies, and the Partition Museum, Amritsar

Story design: Stuart Roberts

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15 August 1947: When Nehru talked of tryst with destiny, Gandhi warned new ministers

On august 15, the day of independence, mahatma gandhi observed 24-hour-fast, offered prayers, and spun khadi yarn and a cabinet of ministers was sworn in with jawaharlal nehru as the prime minister..

Listen to Story

• On August 15, 1947 Jawaharlal Nehru was sworn in as PM of independent India.
• Mahatma Gandhi did not celebrate the occasion.
• He said the day contains seeds of conflict between India, Pakistan.

Eighty-nine years after the British Crown occupied it, India attained freedom at midnight just as the clock ticked 12.00 on August 15, 1947. India's Legislative Council had taken over the power from the crown through and Act passed by British Parliament on July 4 the same year.

The celebrations had begun earlier the previous day. Even at the Parliament building, the official function had started at 11 pm. Vande Mataram was sung as the National Anthem. There was yet no controversy about singing Vande Mataram. Later it was declared as the National Song.

There were three main speakers at the Central Hall of Parliament. Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru was the third notable speaker at the official event where he delivered his famous the 'Tryst With Destiny' speech. The other two were Chaudhary Khaliquzaman and Dr Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan.

In his speech, Nehru, referring to 1929 Lahore Congress, said, "Long years ago we made a tryst with destiny, and now the time comes when we shall redeem our pledge, not wholly or in full measure, but very substantially. At the stroke of the midnight hour, when the world sleeps, India will awake to life and freedom."

A cabinet of ministers was sworn in with Jawaharlal Nehru as the Prime Minister. His Ministers came from all walks of political philosophy. There were 13 ministers. The most notable non-Congressmen were BR Ambedkar and Shyama Prasad Mukherjee.

The current political lot is in race among itself for laying claim on the legacy of BR Ambedkar, the president of the drafting committee of the Constituent Assembly. He is hailed as the Father of the Constitution. Nehru's legacy has been claimed by the Congress almost exclusively. On the other hand, the BJP thinks that it carries forward Shyama Prasad Mukherjee's ideology and political legacy.

Some say that on the advice of some astrologer, the Independence Day celebrations were launched a day before. The astrologers apparently convinced the leaders that August 15, 1947 was not an auspicious day.

The celebrations at the Central Hall of Parliament ended well past midnight with the presentation of flag on the behalf of women of India.

THE OTHER PICTURE

While the mood was joyous and festive in New Delhi with Nehru taking charge as the first Indian government in almost two hundred years, about 1,500 km away Mahatma Gandhi - belovedly called the Father of the Nation - was in sombre mood.

Mahatma Gandhi had refused to be part of Independence Day festivities. In July that year, by the time the date of Independence had been finalised, Mahatma Gandhi was reported to have said, "I cannot rejoice on August 15. I do not want to deceive you. But, at the same time I shall not ask you not to rejoice. Unfortunately the kind of freedom we have got today contains also the seeds of future conflict between India and Pakistan. "

In the meantime, clashes had broken out at numerous places in the sub-continent from Lahore to Dhaka. On receiving repeated requests from people and leaders in Bengal, Mahatma Gandhi had travelled to the then Calcutta on August 9 in his effort to bring peace to the riot-torn city.

Mahatma Gandhi wanted to visit Noakhali - now in Bangladesh - as it had turned into a macabre centre of communal violence. But, some local leaders convinced Mahatma Gandhi that he should stay at Calcutta. If Mahatma Gandhi could bring peace in Calcutta, the local leaders told him, the entire Bengal across the divide line would return to normalcy and peace.

Mahatma Gandhi shifted to Haideri Manzil or Haideri Mansion at Beliaghata very close to Miabagan, a locality dominated by Muslims. Mahatma Gandhi's decision to stay near Miabagan led to some protesters shouting "Gandhi Go Back" outside Haideri Manzil as they thought the Father of the Nation had come to sympathise with the Muslims only.

Soon Mahatma Gandhi proved the protesters wrong. He continued to visit trouble-torn areas and meet people from both communities. Within days, efforts of Mahatma Gandhi yielded results. The frail old man, the apostle of non-violence had surprised the erstwhile rulers as what the might of the state could not do, Mahatma Gandhi had almost delivered.

Referring to Mahatma Gandhi's efforts in Kolkata, Lord Mountbatten wrote, "In the Punjab, we have 55,000 soldiers and large-scale rioting on our hands. In Bengal our forces consist of one man, and there is no rioting."

WHAT DID GANDHI DO 70 YEARS AGO

On August 15, the day of Independence, Mahatma Gandhi observed 24-hour-fast, offered prayers, and spun khadi yarn. There are seven entries in the Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi for the Independence Day on 15 August 1947.

The first entry is about a letter written by Mahatma Gandhi to his friend and British reformer Agatha Harrison. "My way of celebrating great events, such as today's, is to thank God for it and, therefore, to pray," Mahatma Gandhi wrote.

Among the visitors were the new West Bengal Governor C Rajagopalachari, a group of students and the ministers of West Bengal. To the newly appointed ministers, Mahatma Gandhi said, "Today, you have worn on your heads a crown of thorns... Do not fall a prey to the lure of wealth."

Mahatma Gandhi ended his day with a public rally at the Rash Bagan Maidan in Beliaghata, where he said that he hoped that the "meeting together (Hindus and Muslims) in perfect friendliness... was not a momentary impulse."

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Prime minister nehru speaks on indian independence day.

Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru addresses his nation on the eve of August 15, 1947, the day India gained its independence after nearly 100 years of British rule. In his inspired speech, Nehru reminds his fellow countrymen of their "tryst with destiny."

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Tryst with Destiny – Jawaharlal Nehru Speech to Nation

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Tryst with Destiny: On the eve of 15 th August 1947, the first Prime Minister of India, Pundit Jawaharlal Nehru, gave a famous speech addressed to the Indian Constituent Assembly and the pupils of the country. The speech was delivered on the intervening night of 14 th and 15 th August 1947 and is by far the most impressive speech of the 20 th century.

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In his inspiring Independence Day speech, the leader addressed the nation with words of patriotism, reflecting on the struggles of the past and envisioning a future of freedom, progress, and unity.

In his Tryst with Destiny speech, Pt. Nehru spoke about the responsibility of a united and progressive nation bestowed on the Constituent Assembly. He said that instead of resting, it is the time for us to move and build the nation which our great freedom fighters and leaders had aspired.

Speech on 15 August 1947 by Nehru

“Tryst with Destiny” was the title of the speech given at the midnight of 15 th August 1947 by the first Prime Minister of India Jawaharlal Nehru just after the independence of country. He had given speech to the Indian Constituent Assembly in The Parliament in the midnight. The speech given by him is one of the greatest speeches of all times focusing on the history of India and non-violent Indian independence struggle for getting freedom from the British Empire in India.

In his eloquent Constitution of India speech , Jawaharlal Nehru passionately articulated the foundational principles and democratic ideals that would guide the nation towards progress and unity.

He gave a message to the nation first time through his speech after independence of the country. His speech was so much inspirational encouraging the mass people of India for the upliftment and development. The aim of his speech was to motivate Indian people in order to build a new and developed India through their hard work, zeal and enthusiasm. His message was to fight and remove all the social evils of the country such as illiteracy, ignorance, poverty, poor health conditions, etc., to lead country towards the development.

His speech was to urge Indian people to actively participate in the nation-building process. Through his speech he had also emphasized the concept of equality among the Indian citizens. He paid homage to the Mother India and took pledge to save her in every condition in the future from the rivals. He also made a call to all the Indian citizens to show their togetherness and interest to all the services of Motherland. Following is the exact speech given by the first Prime Minister of India, Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, on 15 th of August 1947 in the midnight.

Also Read: Children’s Day 2023 Speech

Jawaharlal Nehru’s Tryst with Destiny Speech to the Nation on the Independence Day

Tryst with Destiny

“Long years ago we made a tryst with destiny, and now the time comes when we shall redeem our pledge, not wholly or in full measure, but very substantially. At the stroke of the midnight hour, when the world sleeps, India will awake to life and freedom. A moment comes, which comes but rarely in history, when we step out from the old to the new, when an age ends, and when the soul of a nation, long suppressed, finds utterance.

It is fitting that at this solemn moment we take the pledge of dedication to the service of India and her people and to the still larger cause of humanity with some pride.

At the dawn of history India started on her unending quest, and trackless centuries which are filled with her striving and the grandeur of her success and her failures. Through good and ill fortunes alike she has never lost sight of that quest or forgotten the ideals which gave her strength. We end today a period of ill fortunes and India discovers herself again.

The achievement we celebrate today is but a step, an opening of opportunity, to the greater triumphs and achievements that await us. Are we brave enough and wise enough to grasp this opportunity and accept the challenge of the future?

Freedom and power bring responsibility. The responsibility rests upon this assembly, a sovereign body representing the sovereign people of India. Before the birth of freedom we have endured all the pains of labour and our hearts are heavy with the memory of this sorrow. Some of those pains continue even now. Nevertheless, the past is over and it is the future that beckons to us now.

That future is not one of ease or resting but of incessant striving so that we might fulfill the pledges we have so often taken and the one we shall take today. The service of India means the service of the millions who suffer. It means the ending of poverty and ignorance and disease and inequality of opportunity.

The ambition of the greatest man of our generation has been to wipe every tear from every eye. That may be beyond us, but as long as there are tears and suffering, so long our work will not be over.

And so we have to labour and to work, and work hard, to give reality to our dreams. Those dreams are for India, but they are also for the world, for all the nations and peoples are too closely knit together today for anyone of them to imagine that it can live apart.

Peace has been said to be indivisible; so is freedom, so is prosperity now, and so also is disaster in this one world that can no longer be split into isolated fragments.

To the people of India, whose representatives we are, we make an appeal to join us with faith and confidence in this great adventure. This is no time for petty and destructive criticism, no time for ill will or blaming others. We have to build the noble mansion of free India where all her children may dwell.

The appointed day has come – the day appointed by destiny – and India stands forth again, after long slumber and struggle, awake, vital, free and independent. The past clings on to us still in some measure and we have to do much before we redeem the pledges we have so often taken. Yet the turning point is past, and history begins anew for us, the history which we shall live and act and others will write about.

It is a fateful moment for us in India, for all Asia and for the world. A new star rises, the star of freedom in the east, a new hope comes into being, a vision long cherished materialises. May the star never set and that hope never be betrayed!

We rejoice in that freedom, even though clouds surround us, and many of our people are sorrow-stricken and difficult problems encompass us. But freedom brings responsibilities and burdens and we have to face them in the spirit of a free and disciplined people.

On this day our first thoughts go to the architect of this freedom, the father of our nation, who, embodying the old spirit of India, held aloft the torch of freedom and lighted up the darkness that surrounded us.

We have often been unworthy followers of his and have strayed from his message, but not only we but succeeding generations will remember this message and bear the imprint in their hearts of this great son of India, magnificent in his faith and strength and courage and humility. We shall never allow that torch of freedom to be blown out, however high the wind or stormy the tempest.

Our next thoughts must be of the unknown volunteers and soldiers of freedom who, without praise or reward, have served India even unto death.

Also Read: Speech on Freedom of Press

We think also of our brothers and sisters who have been cut off from us by political boundaries and who unhappily cannot share at present in the freedom that has come. They are of us and will remain of us whatever may happen, and we shall be sharers in their good and ill fortune alike.

The future beckons to us. Whither do we go and what shall be our endeavour? To bring freedom and opportunity to the common man, to the peasants and workers of India; to fight and end poverty and ignorance and disease; to build up a prosperous, democratic and progressive nation, and to create social, economic and political institutions which will ensure justice and fullness of life to every man and woman.

We have hard work ahead. There is no resting for any one of us till we redeem our pledge in full, till we make all the people of India what destiny intended them to be.

We are citizens of a great country, on the verge of bold advance, and we have to live up to that high standard. All of us, to whatever religion we may belong, are equally the children of India with equal rights, privileges and obligations. We cannot encourage communalism or narrow-mindedness, for no nation can be great whose people are narrow in thought or in action.

To the nations and peoples of the world we send greetings and pledge ourselves to cooperate with them in furthering peace, freedom and democracy.

And to India, our much-loved motherland, the ancient, the eternal and the ever-new, we pay our reverent homage and we bind ourselves afresh to her service. Jai Hind.”

Related Topics on Jawaharlal Nehru

Tryst with Destiny FAQ’s

What was the famous speech on independence day.

The famous speech on Independence Day is Tryst with Destiny, delivered by Jawaharlal Nehru on August 15, 1947, when India gained independence. In this historic speech, Nehru eloquently conveyed the aspirations and dreams of a newly independent India.

How to start a speech on Jawaharlal Nehru?

To begin a speech on Jawaharlal Nehru, you can start by acknowledging his pivotal role in India's freedom struggle and as the country's first Prime Minister. Briefly mention his contributions to nation-building, commitment to democracy, and advocacy for social justice. This sets the stage for a comprehensive exploration of his life and legacy.

What did Jawaharlal Nehru do for independence?

Jawaharlal Nehru played a crucial role in India's independence by actively participating in the freedom movement. He worked alongside Mahatma Gandhi and other leaders, engaging in civil disobedience and nonviolent protests. Nehru's commitment to the cause, eloquent speeches, and strategic leadership contributed significantly to India gaining independence in 1947.

What was the summary of Nehru's speech Tryst with Destiny?

In his speech Tryst with Destiny, Nehru expressed the emotional and historic significance of India gaining independence. He spoke about the challenges ahead, the need for unity, and the responsibility of building a just and inclusive nation. The speech emphasized the idea that India was standing on the cusp of a new era, marking a profound moment in the nation's history.

Which slogan did Jawaharlal Nehru speak?

Jawaharlal Nehru is associated with the slogan Aaram Haram Hai (Rest is Forbidden), which he used to encourage a proactive and dedicated approach towards work and national development.

Which is the famous speech from Independence Day India?

The famous speech from Independence Day in India is Tryst with Destiny, delivered by Jawaharlal Nehru on August 15, 1947. In this speech, Nehru eloquently expressed the aspirations and vision for a newly independent India.

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'At The Stroke Of The Midnight Hour...': Watch And Read Jawaharlal Nehru's 1947 'Tryst With Destiny' Speech

In his speech, Jawaharlal Nehru discussed the objectives India must seek and the contributions that each Indian must make in order for the nation to prevail and reclaim its former grandeur.

“At the stroke of the midnight hour, when the world sleeps, India will awake to life and freedom…” These were the words spoken by the first Prime Minister of Independent India Pt. Jawaharlal Nehru on the eve of independence in 1947.

It was a pious hour for all Indians, as a country that had been under British rule for more than 200 years was finally being freed. 

India has come a long way since then, and today it steps into the 75 th year of independence by celebrating this journey, paying homage to our leaders without whom this freedom would have been nothing, but a distant dream.

The spirit of 'Azadi Ka Amrit Mahotsav', which commemorates 75 years of India's independence, is not only to pay homage to our freedom fighters but also to recall all the significant landmarks during India’s Independence movement. Pandit Nehru’s speech is one such occasion that has a significant place in Indian History.

This "Tryst with Destiny" speech encourages Indians to strive and make it easier for scholars and young people to take responsibility for carrying out the nation's efforts and preserve the history of our freedom fighters. All Indians should always try to recall the essence of the value of freedom.

Sentiments Of Jawaharlal Nehru's Speech:

The Tryst with Destiny speech given by Pt. Jawaharlal Nehru spoke about aspects that transcend the history of India.

The speech sets a tone where the concept of service to the nation and the accomplishment of the promises made by the Indian National Congress is continuously reiterated.

He says, “Long years ago, we made a tryst with destiny; and now the time comes when we shall redeem our pledge, not wholly or in full measure, but very substantially…”

Nehru painted a vivid picture of the historical diversity of India in his speech and emphasised his hope for an equally large, if not greater, future for India, moulded by the sacrifices of Indian liberation warriors and the labour of new Indian citizens. His speech acted as a rallying cry for the Indian populace to fight for the restoration of an India that the British had destroyed. The leaders of India have vowed to ensure peace and prosperity for their young country, which had just overcome a more than 200-year-old yoke that had ruled it.

Nehru also issued a caution against petty prejudice and divisive criticism in reference to the caste, racial, and religious issues that have plagued India for centuries.

This is evident from his words, “This is no time for petty and destructive criticism, no time for ill will or blaming others. We have to build the noble mansion of free India where all her children may dwell.”

Significance Of Jawaharlal Nehru's Speech:

The Tryst with Destiny speech is one of history's greatest orations. It represents the triumphant climax of the Indian independence movement against British colonial control in India. It is regarded as one of the greatest speeches of the 20th century.

Despite having India and its liberation as its main subjects, Nehru's speech had a much wider and more international appeal. In his speech, Nehru was more concerned with fostering a sense of brotherhood throughout the world than simply within our own country.

He also made a subliminal plea to treat all people with respect and to regard their sovereignty as highly as we do our own.

His message was for his generation, the generations to come, as well as the many governments that will come after.

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August 15, 1947: When Mahatma Gandhi warned Nehru’s ministers after PM had a ‘tryst with destiny’

While India celebrated freedom on Aug 15, 1947, Gandhi mourned its divisions. His warnings to Nehru’s govt echo today as nation grapples with its past read more

The night of August 14, 1947, was a cauldron of emotions. While the nation was on the cusp of history, a palpable tension underlay the festivities. Even as the clock ticked towards midnight, the Parliament building was abuzz with activity. The air was thick with anticipation. A prelude to the main event, the singing of Vande Mataram, a song that had inspired generations, echoed through the halls of power.

As the clock struck twelve, India awakened to life and freedom. In the Central Hall of Parliament, a ceremony marked this momentous occasion. Three towering figures of the era addressed the nation. Chaudhary Khaliquzzaman and Dr. Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan, each with their distinct perspectives, set the stage for the main act.

Then came Jawaharlal Nehru. His speech, a masterpiece of oratory, would be etched in the nation’s memory. Referring to the 1929 Lahore Congress, he declared, “Long years ago we made a tryst with destiny, and now the time comes when we shall redeem our pledge, not wholly or in full measure, but very substantially.” His words were a clarion call, a promise of a new India.

The formation of the first Indian cabinet was a task of immense responsibility. Nehru, at its helm, brought together a diverse group of leaders, reflecting the nation’s complex tapestry. Figures like B.R. Ambedkar and Shyama Prasad Mukherjee, despite their ideological differences, were part of this historic cabinet.

While Delhi was immersed in the euphoria of independence, a different scene was unfolding in the remote reaches of the country. Mahatma Gandhi, the architect of India’s freedom struggle, was far removed from the celebrations. In the quietude of prayer and introspection, he marked this momentous occasion.

Gandhi’s heart was heavy with the sorrow of Partition. The violence, the displacement, and the deep-rooted animosity between Hindus and Muslims filled him with despair. “I cannot rejoice on August 15,” he confessed. Yet, he understood the significance of the day for the nation and urged his followers to celebrate with restraint.

On the day of Independence, Gandhi observed a day of fasting and prayer. Visitors, including the newly appointed West Bengal Governor, C Rajagopalachari, and a group of students, came to pay their respects.   

To the ministers, Mahatma Gandhi offered words of caution. “Today, you have worn on your heads a crown of thorns,” he warned.   

“Do not fall prey to the lure of wealth."

As India embarked on its journey as a free nation, the contrasting visions of Nehru and Gandhi encapsulated the nation’s complexities. Nehru, the architect of modern India, and Gandhi, the guardian of its soul, represented two sides of the same coin. Their paths diverged, yet their shared dream of a free and prosperous India remained a common thread.

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