negative impact on social media essay

Essay on Negative Impact Of Social Media On Students

Students are often asked to write an essay on Negative Impact Of Social Media On Students in their schools and colleges. And if you’re also looking for the same, we have created 100-word, 250-word, and 500-word essays on the topic.

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100 Words Essay on Negative Impact Of Social Media On Students

Time wasting.

Social media can be a big distraction for students. Instead of doing homework or studying, they might spend hours scrolling through apps like Instagram or TikTok. This means they have less time for school work, which can lead to bad grades.

Less Face-to-Face Interaction

Students often chat with friends online instead of talking in person. This can make it hard for them to learn how to read people’s emotions and communicate well face-to-face, which is very important in life.

Unrealistic Expectations

Social media shows a perfect life that is not real. Students might feel bad about their own lives because they think everyone else is happier or more successful. This can hurt their self-esteem and make them unhappy.

Cyberbullying

Bullying on social media is a big problem. Mean comments or embarrassing photos can be shared quickly and hurt a student’s feelings. Being bullied online can make students scared to go to school and affect their mental health.

Privacy Issues

250 words essay on negative impact of social media on students, time wasted on social media.

Many students spend hours on social media instead of doing homework or studying. This can lead to poor grades because they have less time to learn and understand their school work. Social media apps are designed to keep users scrolling, making it easy for students to lose track of time.

Social media can take away from time spent with friends and family in person. When students focus on their phones or computers, they miss out on real-life conversations. This can make it hard for them to learn how to talk to others and understand body language, which are important life skills.

Online Bullying

Bullying on social media, also called cyberbullying, is a big problem. Mean comments and rumors can spread quickly online. This can hurt students’ feelings and make them scared to go to school. Sometimes, the hurt from cyberbullying can last a long time and make students feel alone and sad.

Social media often shows a perfect version of life that isn’t real. Students might see pictures of others with perfect bodies or perfect lives and feel bad about themselves. They might think they’re not good enough or that their life isn’t as exciting. This can make them unhappy and less confident.

Privacy Risks

Students might not know how to protect their private information online. They could share too much without realizing who can see it. This can be dangerous because strangers might learn things about them that should be kept private.

500 Words Essay on Negative Impact Of Social Media On Students

Social media can be a huge time sink for students. Many young people spend hours scrolling through apps like Instagram, TikTok, and Facebook. This is time that could be spent studying, playing sports, or even sleeping. When students give so much time to social media, they have less time for homework and learning. This can lead to poor grades and less knowledge.

Before social media, students would meet and talk in person. Now, they often chat online instead. This change can hurt their social skills. Talking face-to-face helps students learn how to read emotions and react to people in real life. Without this practice, some students might find it hard to make friends or work with others in a team.

Impact on Mental Health

Distraction from studies.

Social media can be a big distraction. When students should be focusing on their schoolwork, they might check their phones instead. Even during class, some students sneak peeks at their social media feeds. This means they are not paying attention to their teachers and could miss important information.

Privacy and Safety Concerns

Students might not always understand how to stay safe on social media. They may share private information like their address or phone number. This can be dangerous because strangers could find this information. Also, students might post pictures or say things that could embarrass them later. Once something is on the internet, it can be hard to remove it completely.

In conclusion, social media can have many negative effects on students. It can take away time from learning, hurt face-to-face talking skills, make students feel bad about themselves, distract them from schoolwork, put their privacy at risk, and create false ideas of what life should be like. It is important for students to remember that social media is just one part of life and not to let it control them. Parents and teachers can help by teaching students how to use social media wisely and reminding them of the importance of real-world experiences and relationships.

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Social Media: Negative Impacts

Introduction, intrusive advertising, bullying/harassment, privacy threats, works cited.

Social media is a natural phenomenon of modern hi-tech life. The impact of virtual communication is significant as people are often willing to pay more attention to online interaction. Besides, due to the development of technology, social media plays the role of platforms not only for communication but also fir effective advertising and entertainment. Digital content that is published in various groups has a large target audience, which allows influencing people and providing demand for specific goods or services. However, the controversy of the benefits of social media lies in the potentially negative impacts they have. In addition to using specialized web resources for communication, many Internet users utilize them as tools for bullying, intimidation, humiliation, and even violence. An opportunity to remain anonymous opens up significant prospects for cybercriminals, which complicates the task for law enforcement agencies. As a counterargument, today, there are various means of account verification and support services that are ready to ensure the safety of communication on social media and provide users with protection from scammers or blackmailers. Nevertheless, people who are well versed in the digital field can bypass such locks easily. Among the real negative effects that social media have, one can note intrusive advertising, bullying and harassment, privacy threats, fake news, and violence. Social media are gradually losing the function of communication tools and gaining the status of platforms that allow posting any content, including illegal and immoral materials.

Advertising on social media has become so intrusive and widespread that it has ceased to have its promotional function and often causes users more negative emotions than interest. At the same time, it is hard to get rid of advertising completely since many creators of digital content sign contracts with advertisers, and profit depends directly on the activity of the public. However, in case of excess advertising, people feel annoyed and ignore certain offers deliberately. According to Shareef et al., “irritation due to any advertisement can distract consumers from receiving the intended meaning of the statement, and thus can have a negative effect on the value of the advertising” (p. 61). Such a statement is logical because, in their quest for profit, advertisers provoke a natural reaction from the target audience to condemn the excess of promoting content. Customer perception largely depends not only on the essence of specific offers but also on the way marketers deliver them. Therefore, in case of intrusiveness, advertising content on social media causes rejection and is often blocked by users. Shareef et al. confirm this and argue that the context of marketing materials may be more important as a driver to convince the public of the value of specific goods or services (p. 66). The objectivity of such an idea is due to the fact that initially, social media were not intended for advertising, and only the creativity of marketers can be an effective way to attract public attention. Finally, Shareef et al. mention viral marketing as one of the methods of intrusive advertising on social media and note that this form of promotion are relevant only among a narrow target audience. In other words, the more annoying the advertisement is, the lower is the chance to attract a wide range of new consumers. Nevertheless, intrusive advertising is significantly less dangerous than bullying or harassment, which are found in modern social media.

The anonymity factor that may persist when interacting on social media is one of the reasons for bullying that some Internet users are forced to experience. A sense of impunity for aggressive behavior and insults towards another person exacerbate the situation. Moreover, bullying is a trend that is common in children’s communication on social media, which poses a serious threat to the fragile psyche of young users. According to Canty et al., online bullying is a unique phenomenon that has expanded in the virtual space due to the emergence of means to preserve anonymity and, in particular, the ability to go unpunished (p. 52). These factors are most obvious reasons why children, who are often humiliated by their peers on social media, become self-absorbed and cannot figure out the wrongdoers. Harassment is a similar problem, which, however, is characteristic of the adult population and often has a sexual background. Chadha et al. state that modern digital technologies “amplify attacks on gender-based and sexual minorities,” thereby acting as negative consequences of progress (p. 241). This statement assumes that the context of harassment is not limited to one topic. In addition, as findings show, virtual space is a favorable environment for this phenomenon:

Online communities and social media platforms offer many benefits, but they also have become breeding grounds for an assortment of sexist and misogynist behaviors. Importantly, the harassment behaviors evident today differ from off-line and pre-social media-era harassment, given the affordances of these networked spaces, including – but not limited to – the visibility and persistence of content, the anonymity/pseudonymity of users, the spreadability of content, and the multimediality of smartphones (Chadha et al, p. 250).

As a result, the openness of online communication creates a favorable environment for harassment and affects user behavior. Chadha et al. mention requests for personal data and addresses as easy consequences of harassment and note that people who have faced with real threats see this phenomenon as an extremely dangerous and aggressive trend (p. 243). This conclusion is logical because, despite different environments, online and real-life harassment have a common background. In this regard, the issues of privacy and accompanying risks are negative consequences of social media.

Privacy threats are fraught not only with identity theft but also with other problems that may entail anonymous bullying or blackmail. Today, for users of social media, communication options are not limited solely to correspondence. Interlocutors can comment on each other, share links, and perform other actions that go beyond a particular platform. As a result, as Aghasian et al. note, “the distribution of information in real world is almost local, the publically shared information in online social media can be retrieved on the internet anytime, anywhere and by anyone” (p. 13118). The significance of this statement is that virtually no one can be fully protected, and precautions should be taken. Aghasian et al. argue that users should be able to protect their personal data not only from intruders but also from familiar people who can become intermediaries in the leak of information (p. 13118). Those people who face privacy threats may lose their money or valuable digital content through negligence by providing their data to third parties. Due to the widespread use of virtual interaction, various leakage channels are discussed:

For example, a user normally share his/her personal information in Facebook which may pose a privacy risk. This user may share his/her occupation history and background in another site such as LinkedIn. His/her job information has again its own privacy risk, but a combination of the information from two social media accounts can pose the user to higher risk as more information is revealed. Consequently, by considering the overall information from multiple source, a more accurate quantification of the privacy disclosure score can be obtained. (Aghasian et al, p. 13118)

In addition to individual data leakage channels, the forms of privacy risks themselves are numerous. Aghasian et al. mention the threat of government data theft, the disclosure of confidential information about trade transactions, and even religious secrets (13119). Such a variety of risks explains the need for comprehensive protection. Social media, in turn, are a favorable environment for such fraud since the predominant number of Internet users have accounts at least at one specialized site. Wherein, according to Aghasian et al., “one of the challenges in addressing privacy concerns is how to measure the privacy of a user participating in multiple social networks” (p. 13129). The increasing role of social media in people’s lives inevitably leads to threats to personal data, especially if they are stored on different platforms. However, not all negative aspects of virtual communication are aimed at interacting with a particular person, and the example of fake news distributed online is a confirmation.

Social media are becoming the most common sources of news, including both entertaining content and serious political and economic reports, which, however, are not always reliable. One of the main reasons is the desire to attract a large target audience. The greater the news resonance is, the greater is the potential success of a particular media platform. For example, Shu et al. give the following statistics: “62 percent of U.S. adults get news on social media in 2016, while in 2012, only 49 percent reported seeing news on social media” (p. 22). This ratio proves that even the adult population of the country began to use virtual platforms more often. In addition, this growth may be due to the wider use of social media by numerous agencies that have individual accounts. The authors emphasize that fake news as a negative consequence of digital communication is disseminated most actively through social media due to an opportunity to create a public outcry quickly (Shu et al, p. 23). News groups fight for the target audience in any way possible, which entails publications based on unverified or false facts. Spohr explains the reasons and argues that “the producers and curators of fake news content are able to monetize their content through advertising platforms from Facebook and Google” (p. 156). This conclusion is logical since material gain is the most objective explanation for such publications. In addition, the researcher notes that fake news creates a resonance that, regardless of whether it is positive or negative, serves as a means of popularization (Spohr, p. 150). Therefore, the ability to influence the masses opens up prospects for fraudulent actions, although fake news cannot do such harm as violence, which is another negative effect of social media.

Despite the fact that violence in its natural sense cannot be realized online, the manifestations of violent acts through social media are possible. This phenomenon is similar to cyberbullying, but it involves strict measures of intimidation or harassment, while bullying can be superficial. Today, particular attention is paid to youth virtual violence, as children and adolescents are vulnerable groups. As Tripathi notes, “most children and adolescents (65-91%) report little or no involvement in violence over social media platforms” (2). At the same time, the author argues that time spent online is one of the factors on which the risk of violence depends (Tripathi, p. 3). In other words, the longer and more actively a child interacts with other users, the higher is the threat of psychological violence. This statement is reasonable and carries an open message about the need to reduce the access of young users to free online communication. Also, gender-based online violence is another form of bullying, and its consequences can be extremely dangerous from a social perspective:

Gender-based violence online is rampant, ranging from harassment of women who are public figures on social media to stalking intimate partners using purpose-built apps. This is not an issue that can be addressed by individual states alone, nor can it be addressed satisfactorily through legal means. The normalization of misogyny and abuse online both reflects and reinforces systemic inequalities. (Suzor et al, p. 84)

This position on gender-based violence proves the effect that indifference to this problem may cause. According to Suzor et al., most modern social media promote themselves as platforms for expressing individuality and personal opinions, which can be dangerous in conditions of the freedom of speech and anonymity (p. 89). Not only women but also other vulnerable groups can experience the effects of virtual violence, and impunity is one of the most dangerous consequences. The authors are convinced that “deeply entrenched structural features of existing social media platforms often exacerbate the effects of online harassment and abuse” (Suzor et al, p. 94). Thus, social media carry many negative implications, and an opportunity to go unpunished for aggressive or annoying behavior is a severe social omission.

Aghasian, Erfan, et al. “Scoring Users’ Privacy Disclosure Across Multiple Online Social Networks.” IEEE Access , vol. 5, 2017, pp. 13118-13130.
Canty, Justin, et al. “The Trouble with Bullying – Deconstructing the Conventional Definition of Bullying for a Child‐Centred Investigation into Children’s Use of Social Media.” Children & Society , vol. 30, no. 1, 2016, pp. 48-58.
Chadha, Kalyani, et al. “Women’s Responses to Online Harassment.” International Journal of Communication , vol. 14, 2020, pp. 239-257.
Shareef, Mahmud Akhter, et al. “Social Media Marketing: Comparative Effect of Advertisement Sources.” Journal of Retailing and Consumer Services , vol. 46, 2019, pp. 58-69.
Shu, Kai, et al. “Fake News Detection on Social Media: A Data Mining Perspective.” ACM SIGKDD Explorations Newsletter , vol. 19, no. 1, 2017, pp. 22-36.
Spohr, Dominic. “Fake News and Ideological Polarization: Filter Bubbles and Selective Exposure on Social Media.” Business Information Review , vol. 34, no. 3, 2017, pp. 150-160.
Suzor, Nicolas, et al. “Human Rights by Design: The Responsibilities of Social Media Platforms to Address Gender‐Based Violence Online.” Policy & Internet , vol. 11, no. 1, 2019, pp. 84-103.
Tripathi, Vivek. “Youth Violence and Social Media.” Journal of Social Sciences , vol. 52, no. 1-3, 2017, pp. 1-7.

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Feb 15, 2023

6 Example Essays on Social Media | Advantages, Effects, and Outlines

Got an essay assignment about the effects of social media we got you covered check out our examples and outlines below.

Social media has become one of our society's most prominent ways of communication and information sharing in a very short time. It has changed how we communicate and has given us a platform to express our views and opinions and connect with others. It keeps us informed about the world around us. Social media platforms such as Facebook, Twitter, Instagram, and LinkedIn have brought individuals from all over the world together, breaking down geographical borders and fostering a genuinely global community.

However, social media comes with its difficulties. With the rise of misinformation, cyberbullying, and privacy problems, it's critical to utilize these platforms properly and be aware of the risks. Students in the academic world are frequently assigned essays about the impact of social media on numerous elements of our lives, such as relationships, politics, and culture. These essays necessitate a thorough comprehension of the subject matter, critical thinking, and the ability to synthesize and convey information clearly and succinctly.

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So, whether you're a student looking to better your essay writing skills or want to remain up to date on the latest social media advancements, Jenni.ai is here to help. Jenni.ai is the ideal tool for helping you write your finest essay ever, thanks to its simple design, an extensive database of example essays, and cutting-edge AI technology. So, why delay? Sign up for a free trial of Jenni.ai today and begin exploring the worlds of social networking and essay writing!

Want to learn how to write an argumentative essay? Check out these inspiring examples!

We will provide various examples of social media essays so you may get a feel for the genre.

6 Examples of Social Media Essays

Here are 6 examples of Social Media Essays:

The Impact of Social Media on Relationships and Communication

Introduction:.

The way we share information and build relationships has evolved as a direct result of the prevalence of social media in our daily lives. The influence of social media on interpersonal connections and conversation is a hot topic. Although social media has many positive effects, such as bringing people together regardless of physical proximity and making communication quicker and more accessible, it also has a dark side that can affect interpersonal connections and dialogue.

Positive Effects:

Connecting People Across Distances

One of social media's most significant benefits is its ability to connect individuals across long distances. People can use social media platforms to interact and stay in touch with friends and family far away. People can now maintain intimate relationships with those they care about, even when physically separated.

Improved Communication Speed and Efficiency

Additionally, the proliferation of social media sites has accelerated and simplified communication. Thanks to instant messaging, users can have short, timely conversations rather than lengthy ones via email. Furthermore, social media facilitates group communication, such as with classmates or employees, by providing a unified forum for such activities.

Negative Effects:

Decreased Face-to-Face Communication

The decline in in-person interaction is one of social media's most pernicious consequences on interpersonal connections and dialogue. People's reliance on digital communication over in-person contact has increased along with the popularity of social media. Face-to-face interaction has suffered as a result, which has adverse effects on interpersonal relationships and the development of social skills.

Decreased Emotional Intimacy

Another adverse effect of social media on relationships and communication is decreased emotional intimacy. Digital communication lacks the nonverbal cues and facial expressions critical in building emotional connections with others. This can make it more difficult for people to develop close and meaningful relationships, leading to increased loneliness and isolation.

Increased Conflict and Miscommunication

Finally, social media can also lead to increased conflict and miscommunication. The anonymity and distance provided by digital communication can lead to misunderstandings and hurtful comments that might not have been made face-to-face. Additionally, social media can provide a platform for cyberbullying , which can have severe consequences for the victim's mental health and well-being.

Conclusion:

In conclusion, the impact of social media on relationships and communication is a complex issue with both positive and negative effects. While social media platforms offer many benefits, such as connecting people across distances and enabling faster and more accessible communication, they also have a dark side that can negatively affect relationships and communication. It is up to individuals to use social media responsibly and to prioritize in-person communication in their relationships and interactions with others.

The Role of Social Media in the Spread of Misinformation and Fake News

Social media has revolutionized the way information is shared and disseminated. However, the ease and speed at which data can be spread on social media also make it a powerful tool for spreading misinformation and fake news. Misinformation and fake news can seriously affect public opinion, influence political decisions, and even cause harm to individuals and communities.

The Pervasiveness of Misinformation and Fake News on Social Media

Misinformation and fake news are prevalent on social media platforms, where they can spread quickly and reach a large audience. This is partly due to the way social media algorithms work, which prioritizes content likely to generate engagement, such as sensational or controversial stories. As a result, false information can spread rapidly and be widely shared before it is fact-checked or debunked.

The Influence of Social Media on Public Opinion

Social media can significantly impact public opinion, as people are likelier to believe the information they see shared by their friends and followers. This can lead to a self-reinforcing cycle, where misinformation and fake news are spread and reinforced, even in the face of evidence to the contrary.

The Challenge of Correcting Misinformation and Fake News

Correcting misinformation and fake news on social media can be a challenging task. This is partly due to the speed at which false information can spread and the difficulty of reaching the same audience exposed to the wrong information in the first place. Additionally, some individuals may be resistant to accepting correction, primarily if the incorrect information supports their beliefs or biases.

In conclusion, the function of social media in disseminating misinformation and fake news is complex and urgent. While social media has revolutionized the sharing of information, it has also made it simpler for false information to propagate and be widely believed. Individuals must be accountable for the information they share and consume, and social media firms must take measures to prevent the spread of disinformation and fake news on their platforms.

The Effects of Social Media on Mental Health and Well-Being

Social media has become an integral part of modern life, with billions of people around the world using platforms like Facebook, Instagram, and Twitter to stay connected with others and access information. However, while social media has many benefits, it can also negatively affect mental health and well-being.

Comparison and Low Self-Esteem

One of the key ways that social media can affect mental health is by promoting feelings of comparison and low self-esteem. People often present a curated version of their lives on social media, highlighting their successes and hiding their struggles. This can lead others to compare themselves unfavorably, leading to feelings of inadequacy and low self-esteem.

Cyberbullying and Online Harassment

Another way that social media can negatively impact mental health is through cyberbullying and online harassment. Social media provides a platform for anonymous individuals to harass and abuse others, leading to feelings of anxiety, fear, and depression.

Social Isolation

Despite its name, social media can also contribute to feelings of isolation. At the same time, people may have many online friends but need more meaningful in-person connections and support. This can lead to feelings of loneliness and depression.

Addiction and Overuse

Finally, social media can be addictive, leading to overuse and negatively impacting mental health and well-being. People may spend hours each day scrolling through their feeds, neglecting other important areas of their lives, such as work, family, and self-care.

In sum, social media has positive and negative consequences on one's psychological and emotional well-being. Realizing this, and taking measures like reducing one's social media use, reaching out to loved ones for help, and prioritizing one's well-being, are crucial. In addition, it's vital that social media giants take ownership of their platforms and actively encourage excellent mental health and well-being.

The Use of Social Media in Political Activism and Social Movements

Social media has recently become increasingly crucial in political action and social movements. Platforms such as Twitter, Facebook, and Instagram have given people new ways to express themselves, organize protests, and raise awareness about social and political issues.

Raising Awareness and Mobilizing Action

One of the most important uses of social media in political activity and social movements has been to raise awareness about important issues and mobilize action. Hashtags such as #MeToo and #BlackLivesMatter, for example, have brought attention to sexual harassment and racial injustice, respectively. Similarly, social media has been used to organize protests and other political actions, allowing people to band together and express themselves on a bigger scale.

Connecting with like-minded individuals

A second method in that social media has been utilized in political activity and social movements is to unite like-minded individuals. Through social media, individuals can join online groups, share knowledge and resources, and work with others to accomplish shared objectives. This has been especially significant for geographically scattered individuals or those without access to traditional means of political organizing.

Challenges and Limitations

As a vehicle for political action and social movements, social media has faced many obstacles and restrictions despite its many advantages. For instance, the propagation of misinformation and fake news on social media can impede attempts to disseminate accurate and reliable information. In addition, social media corporations have been condemned for censorship and insufficient protection of user rights.

In conclusion, social media has emerged as a potent instrument for political activism and social movements, giving voice to previously unheard communities and galvanizing support for change. Social media presents many opportunities for communication and collaboration. Still, users and institutions must be conscious of the risks and limitations of these tools to promote their responsible and productive usage.

The Potential Privacy Concerns Raised by Social Media Use and Data Collection Practices

With billions of users each day on sites like Facebook, Twitter, and Instagram, social media has ingrained itself into every aspect of our lives. While these platforms offer a straightforward method to communicate with others and exchange information, they also raise significant concerns over data collecting and privacy. This article will examine the possible privacy issues posed by social media use and data-gathering techniques.

Data Collection and Sharing

The gathering and sharing of personal data are significant privacy issues brought up by social media use. Social networking sites gather user data, including details about their relationships, hobbies, and routines. This information is made available to third-party businesses for various uses, such as marketing and advertising. This can lead to serious concerns about who has access to and uses our personal information.

Lack of Control Over Personal Information

The absence of user control over personal information is a significant privacy issue brought up by social media usage. Social media makes it challenging to limit who has access to and how data is utilized once it has been posted. Sensitive information may end up being extensively disseminated and may be used maliciously as a result.

Personalized Marketing

Social media companies utilize the information they gather about users to target them with adverts relevant to their interests and usage patterns. Although this could be useful, it might also cause consumers to worry about their privacy since they might feel that their personal information is being used without their permission. Furthermore, there are issues with the integrity of the data being used to target users and the possibility of prejudice based on individual traits.

Government Surveillance

Using social media might spark worries about government surveillance. There are significant concerns regarding privacy and free expression when governments in some nations utilize social media platforms to follow and monitor residents.

In conclusion, social media use raises significant concerns regarding data collecting and privacy. While these platforms make it easy to interact with people and exchange information, they also gather a lot of personal information, which raises questions about who may access it and how it will be used. Users should be aware of these privacy issues and take precautions to safeguard their personal information, such as exercising caution when choosing what details to disclose on social media and keeping their information sharing with other firms to a minimum.

The Ethical and Privacy Concerns Surrounding Social Media Use And Data Collection

Our use of social media to communicate with loved ones, acquire information, and even conduct business has become a crucial part of our everyday lives. The extensive use of social media does, however, raise some ethical and privacy issues that must be resolved. The influence of social media use and data collecting on user rights, the accountability of social media businesses, and the need for improved regulation are all topics that will be covered in this article.

Effect on Individual Privacy:

Social networking sites gather tons of personal data from their users, including delicate information like search history, location data, and even health data. Each user's detailed profile may be created with this data and sold to advertising or used for other reasons. Concerns regarding the privacy of personal information might arise because social media businesses can use this data to target users with customized adverts.

Additionally, individuals might need to know how much their personal information is being gathered and exploited. Data breaches or the unauthorized sharing of personal information with other parties may result in instances where sensitive information is exposed. Users should be aware of the privacy rules of social media firms and take precautions to secure their data.

Responsibility of Social Media Companies:

Social media firms should ensure that they responsibly and ethically gather and use user information. This entails establishing strong security measures to safeguard sensitive information and ensuring users are informed of what information is being collected and how it is used.

Many social media businesses, nevertheless, have come under fire for not upholding these obligations. For instance, the Cambridge Analytica incident highlighted how Facebook users' personal information was exploited for political objectives without their knowledge. This demonstrates the necessity of social media corporations being held responsible for their deeds and ensuring that they are safeguarding the security and privacy of their users.

Better Regulation Is Needed

There is a need for tighter regulation in this field, given the effect, social media has on individual privacy as well as the obligations of social media firms. The creation of laws and regulations that ensure social media companies are gathering and using user information ethically and responsibly, as well as making sure users are aware of their rights and have the ability to control the information that is being collected about them, are all part of this.

Additionally, legislation should ensure that social media businesses are held responsible for their behavior, for example, by levying fines for data breaches or the unauthorized use of personal data. This will provide social media businesses with a significant incentive to prioritize their users' privacy and security and ensure they are upholding their obligations.

In conclusion, social media has fundamentally changed how we engage and communicate with one another, but this increased convenience also raises several ethical and privacy issues. Essential concerns that need to be addressed include the effect of social media on individual privacy, the accountability of social media businesses, and the requirement for greater regulation to safeguard user rights. We can make everyone's online experience safer and more secure by looking more closely at these issues.

In conclusion, social media is a complex and multifaceted topic that has recently captured the world's attention. With its ever-growing influence on our lives, it's no surprise that it has become a popular subject for students to explore in their writing. Whether you are writing an argumentative essay on the impact of social media on privacy, a persuasive essay on the role of social media in politics, or a descriptive essay on the changes social media has brought to the way we communicate, there are countless angles to approach this subject.

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Published: 06 July 2023

Pros & cons: impacts of social media on mental health

Ágnes Zsila 1 , 2 &
Marc Eric S. Reyes ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0002-5280-1315 3

BMC Psychology volume 11 , Article number: 201 ( 2023 ) Cite this article

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The use of social media significantly impacts mental health. It can enhance connection, increase self-esteem, and improve a sense of belonging. But it can also lead to tremendous stress, pressure to compare oneself to others, and increased sadness and isolation. Mindful use is essential to social media consumption.

Social media has become integral to our daily routines: we interact with family members and friends, accept invitations to public events, and join online communities to meet people who share similar preferences using these platforms. Social media has opened a new avenue for social experiences since the early 2000s, extending the possibilities for communication. According to recent research [ 1 ], people spend 2.3 h daily on social media. YouTube, TikTok, Instagram, and Snapchat have become increasingly popular among youth in 2022, and one-third think they spend too much time on these platforms [ 2 ]. The considerable time people spend on social media worldwide has directed researchers’ attention toward the potential benefits and risks. Research shows excessive use is mainly associated with lower psychological well-being [ 3 ]. However, findings also suggest that the quality rather than the quantity of social media use can determine whether the experience will enhance or deteriorate the user’s mental health [ 4 ]. In this collection, we will explore the impact of social media use on mental health by providing comprehensive research perspectives on positive and negative effects.

Social media can provide opportunities to enhance the mental health of users by facilitating social connections and peer support [ 5 ]. Indeed, online communities can provide a space for discussions regarding health conditions, adverse life events, or everyday challenges, which may decrease the sense of stigmatization and increase belongingness and perceived emotional support. Mutual friendships, rewarding social interactions, and humor on social media also reduced stress during the COVID-19 pandemic [ 4 ].

On the other hand, several studies have pointed out the potentially detrimental effects of social media use on mental health. Concerns have been raised that social media may lead to body image dissatisfaction [ 6 ], increase the risk of addiction and cyberbullying involvement [ 5 ], contribute to phubbing behaviors [ 7 ], and negatively affects mood [ 8 ]. Excessive use has increased loneliness, fear of missing out, and decreased subjective well-being and life satisfaction [ 8 ]. Users at risk of social media addiction often report depressive symptoms and lower self-esteem [ 9 ].

Overall, findings regarding the impact of social media on mental health pointed out some essential resources for psychological well-being through rewarding online social interactions. However, there is a need to raise awareness about the possible risks associated with excessive use, which can negatively affect mental health and everyday functioning [ 9 ]. There is neither a negative nor positive consensus regarding the effects of social media on people. However, by teaching people social media literacy, we can maximize their chances of having balanced, safe, and meaningful experiences on these platforms [ 10 ].

We encourage researchers to submit their research articles and contribute to a more differentiated overview of the impact of social media on mental health. BMC Psychology welcomes submissions to its new collection, which promises to present the latest findings in the emerging field of social media research. We seek research papers using qualitative and quantitative methods, focusing on social media users’ positive and negative aspects. We believe this collection will provide a more comprehensive picture of social media’s positive and negative effects on users’ mental health.

Data Availability

Not applicable.

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Acknowledgements

Ágnes Zsila was supported by the ÚNKP-22-4 New National Excellence Program of the Ministry for Culture and Innovation from the source of the National Research, Development and Innovation Fund.

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Institute of Psychology, Pázmány Péter Catholic University, Budapest, Hungary

Ágnes Zsila

Institute of Psychology, ELTE Eötvös Loránd University, Budapest, Hungary

Department of Psychology, College of Science, University of Santo Tomas, Manila, 1008, Philippines

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AZ conceived and drafted the Editorial. MESR wrote the abstract and revised the Editorial. All authors read and approved the final manuscript.

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Zsila, Á., Reyes, M.E.S. Pros & cons: impacts of social media on mental health. BMC Psychol 11 , 201 (2023). https://doi.org/10.1186/s40359-023-01243-x

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How Harmful Is Social Media?

In April, the social psychologist Jonathan Haidt published an essay in The Atlantic in which he sought to explain, as the piece’s title had it, “Why the Past 10 Years of American Life Have Been Uniquely Stupid.” Anyone familiar with Haidt’s work in the past half decade could have anticipated his answer: social media. Although Haidt concedes that political polarization and factional enmity long predate the rise of the platforms, and that there are plenty of other factors involved, he believes that the tools of virality—Facebook’s Like and Share buttons, Twitter’s Retweet function—have algorithmically and irrevocably corroded public life. He has determined that a great historical discontinuity can be dated with some precision to the period between 2010 and 2014, when these features became widely available on phones.

“What changed in the 2010s?” Haidt asks, reminding his audience that a former Twitter developer had once compared the Retweet button to the provision of a four-year-old with a loaded weapon. “A mean tweet doesn’t kill anyone; it is an attempt to shame or punish someone publicly while broadcasting one’s own virtue, brilliance, or tribal loyalties. It’s more a dart than a bullet, causing pain but no fatalities. Even so, from 2009 to 2012, Facebook and Twitter passed out roughly a billion dart guns globally. We’ve been shooting one another ever since.” While the right has thrived on conspiracy-mongering and misinformation, the left has turned punitive: “When everyone was issued a dart gun in the early 2010s, many left-leaning institutions began shooting themselves in the brain. And, unfortunately, those were the brains that inform, instruct, and entertain most of the country.” Haidt’s prevailing metaphor of thoroughgoing fragmentation is the story of the Tower of Babel: the rise of social media has “unwittingly dissolved the mortar of trust, belief in institutions, and shared stories that had held a large and diverse secular democracy together.”

These are, needless to say, common concerns. Chief among Haidt’s worries is that use of social media has left us particularly vulnerable to confirmation bias, or the propensity to fix upon evidence that shores up our prior beliefs. Haidt acknowledges that the extant literature on social media’s effects is large and complex, and that there is something in it for everyone. On January 6, 2021, he was on the phone with Chris Bail, a sociologist at Duke and the author of the recent book “ Breaking the Social Media Prism ,” when Bail urged him to turn on the television. Two weeks later, Haidt wrote to Bail, expressing his frustration at the way Facebook officials consistently cited the same handful of studies in their defense. He suggested that the two of them collaborate on a comprehensive literature review that they could share, as a Google Doc, with other researchers. (Haidt had experimented with such a model before.) Bail was cautious. He told me, “What I said to him was, ‘Well, you know, I’m not sure the research is going to bear out your version of the story,’ and he said, ‘Why don’t we see?’ ”

Bail emphasized that he is not a “platform-basher.” He added, “In my book, my main take is, Yes, the platforms play a role, but we are greatly exaggerating what it’s possible for them to do—how much they could change things no matter who’s at the helm at these companies—and we’re profoundly underestimating the human element, the motivation of users.” He found Haidt’s idea of a Google Doc appealing, in the way that it would produce a kind of living document that existed “somewhere between scholarship and public writing.” Haidt was eager for a forum to test his ideas. “I decided that if I was going to be writing about this—what changed in the universe, around 2014, when things got weird on campus and elsewhere—once again, I’d better be confident I’m right,” he said. “I can’t just go off my feelings and my readings of the biased literature. We all suffer from confirmation bias, and the only cure is other people who don’t share your own.”

Haidt and Bail, along with a research assistant, populated the document over the course of several weeks last year, and in November they invited about two dozen scholars to contribute. Haidt told me, of the difficulties of social-scientific methodology, “When you first approach a question, you don’t even know what it is. ‘Is social media destroying democracy, yes or no?’ That’s not a good question. You can’t answer that question. So what can you ask and answer?” As the document took on a life of its own, tractable rubrics emerged—Does social media make people angrier or more affectively polarized? Does it create political echo chambers? Does it increase the probability of violence? Does it enable foreign governments to increase political dysfunction in the United States and other democracies? Haidt continued, “It’s only after you break it up into lots of answerable questions that you see where the complexity lies.”

Haidt came away with the sense, on balance, that social media was in fact pretty bad. He was disappointed, but not surprised, that Facebook’s response to his article relied on the same three studies they’ve been reciting for years. “This is something you see with breakfast cereals,” he said, noting that a cereal company “might say, ‘Did you know we have twenty-five per cent more riboflavin than the leading brand?’ They’ll point to features where the evidence is in their favor, which distracts you from the over-all fact that your cereal tastes worse and is less healthy.”

After Haidt’s piece was published, the Google Doc—“Social Media and Political Dysfunction: A Collaborative Review”—was made available to the public . Comments piled up, and a new section was added, at the end, to include a miscellany of Twitter threads and Substack essays that appeared in response to Haidt’s interpretation of the evidence. Some colleagues and kibbitzers agreed with Haidt. But others, though they might have shared his basic intuition that something in our experience of social media was amiss, drew upon the same data set to reach less definitive conclusions, or even mildly contradictory ones. Even after the initial flurry of responses to Haidt’s article disappeared into social-media memory, the document, insofar as it captured the state of the social-media debate, remained a lively artifact.

Near the end of the collaborative project’s introduction, the authors warn, “We caution readers not to simply add up the number of studies on each side and declare one side the winner.” The document runs to more than a hundred and fifty pages, and for each question there are affirmative and dissenting studies, as well as some that indicate mixed results. According to one paper, “Political expressions on social media and the online forum were found to (a) reinforce the expressers’ partisan thought process and (b) harden their pre-existing political preferences,” but, according to another, which used data collected during the 2016 election, “Over the course of the campaign, we found media use and attitudes remained relatively stable. Our results also showed that Facebook news use was related to modest over-time spiral of depolarization. Furthermore, we found that people who use Facebook for news were more likely to view both pro- and counter-attitudinal news in each wave. Our results indicated that counter-attitudinal exposure increased over time, which resulted in depolarization.” If results like these seem incompatible, a perplexed reader is given recourse to a study that says, “Our findings indicate that political polarization on social media cannot be conceptualized as a unified phenomenon, as there are significant cross-platform differences.”

Interested in echo chambers? “Our results show that the aggregation of users in homophilic clusters dominate online interactions on Facebook and Twitter,” which seems convincing—except that, as another team has it, “We do not find evidence supporting a strong characterization of ‘echo chambers’ in which the majority of people’s sources of news are mutually exclusive and from opposite poles.” By the end of the file, the vaguely patronizing top-line recommendation against simple summation begins to make more sense. A document that originated as a bulwark against confirmation bias could, as it turned out, just as easily function as a kind of generative device to support anybody’s pet conviction. The only sane response, it seemed, was simply to throw one’s hands in the air.

When I spoke to some of the researchers whose work had been included, I found a combination of broad, visceral unease with the current situation—with the banefulness of harassment and trolling; with the opacity of the platforms; with, well, the widespread presentiment that of course social media is in many ways bad—and a contrastive sense that it might not be catastrophically bad in some of the specific ways that many of us have come to take for granted as true. This was not mere contrarianism, and there was no trace of gleeful mythbusting; the issue was important enough to get right. When I told Bail that the upshot seemed to me to be that exactly nothing was unambiguously clear, he suggested that there was at least some firm ground. He sounded a bit less apocalyptic than Haidt.

“A lot of the stories out there are just wrong,” he told me. “The political echo chamber has been massively overstated. Maybe it’s three to five per cent of people who are properly in an echo chamber.” Echo chambers, as hotboxes of confirmation bias, are counterproductive for democracy. But research indicates that most of us are actually exposed to a wider range of views on social media than we are in real life, where our social networks—in the original use of the term—are rarely heterogeneous. (Haidt told me that this was an issue on which the Google Doc changed his mind; he became convinced that echo chambers probably aren’t as widespread a problem as he’d once imagined.) And too much of a focus on our intuitions about social media’s echo-chamber effect could obscure the relevant counterfactual: a conservative might abandon Twitter only to watch more Fox News. “Stepping outside your echo chamber is supposed to make you moderate, but maybe it makes you more extreme,” Bail said. The research is inchoate and ongoing, and it’s difficult to say anything on the topic with absolute certainty. But this was, in part, Bail’s point: we ought to be less sure about the particular impacts of social media.

Bail went on, “The second story is foreign misinformation.” It’s not that misinformation doesn’t exist, or that it hasn’t had indirect effects, especially when it creates perverse incentives for the mainstream media to cover stories circulating online. Haidt also draws convincingly upon the work of Renée DiResta, the research manager at the Stanford Internet Observatory, to sketch out a potential future in which the work of shitposting has been outsourced to artificial intelligence, further polluting the informational environment. But, at least so far, very few Americans seem to suffer from consistent exposure to fake news—“probably less than two per cent of Twitter users, maybe fewer now, and for those who were it didn’t change their opinions,” Bail said. This was probably because the people likeliest to consume such spectacles were the sort of people primed to believe them in the first place. “In fact,” he said, “echo chambers might have done something to quarantine that misinformation.”

The final story that Bail wanted to discuss was the “proverbial rabbit hole, the path to algorithmic radicalization,” by which YouTube might serve a viewer increasingly extreme videos. There is some anecdotal evidence to suggest that this does happen, at least on occasion, and such anecdotes are alarming to hear. But a new working paper led by Brendan Nyhan, a political scientist at Dartmouth, found that almost all extremist content is either consumed by subscribers to the relevant channels—a sign of actual demand rather than manipulation or preference falsification—or encountered via links from external sites. It’s easy to see why we might prefer if this were not the case: algorithmic radicalization is presumably a simpler problem to solve than the fact that there are people who deliberately seek out vile content. “These are the three stories—echo chambers, foreign influence campaigns, and radicalizing recommendation algorithms—but, when you look at the literature, they’ve all been overstated.” He thought that these findings were crucial for us to assimilate, if only to help us understand that our problems may lie beyond technocratic tinkering. He explained, “Part of my interest in getting this research out there is to demonstrate that everybody is waiting for an Elon Musk to ride in and save us with an algorithm”—or, presumably, the reverse—“and it’s just not going to happen.”

When I spoke with Nyhan, he told me much the same thing: “The most credible research is way out of line with the takes.” He noted, of extremist content and misinformation, that reliable research that “measures exposure to these things finds that the people consuming this content are small minorities who have extreme views already.” The problem with the bulk of the earlier research, Nyhan told me, is that it’s almost all correlational. “Many of these studies will find polarization on social media,” he said. “But that might just be the society we live in reflected on social media!” He hastened to add, “Not that this is untroubling, and none of this is to let these companies, which are exercising a lot of power with very little scrutiny, off the hook. But a lot of the criticisms of them are very poorly founded. . . . The expansion of Internet access coincides with fifteen other trends over time, and separating them is very difficult. The lack of good data is a huge problem insofar as it lets people project their own fears into this area.” He told me, “It’s hard to weigh in on the side of ‘We don’t know, the evidence is weak,’ because those points are always going to be drowned out in our discourse. But these arguments are systematically underprovided in the public domain.”

In his Atlantic article, Haidt leans on a working paper by two social scientists, Philipp Lorenz-Spreen and Lisa Oswald, who took on a comprehensive meta-analysis of about five hundred papers and concluded that “the large majority of reported associations between digital media use and trust appear to be detrimental for democracy.” Haidt writes, “The literature is complex—some studies show benefits, particularly in less developed democracies—but the review found that, on balance, social media amplifies political polarization; foments populism, especially right-wing populism; and is associated with the spread of misinformation.” Nyhan was less convinced that the meta-analysis supported such categorical verdicts, especially once you bracketed the kinds of correlational findings that might simply mirror social and political dynamics. He told me, “If you look at their summary of studies that allow for causal inferences—it’s very mixed.”

As for the studies Nyhan considered most methodologically sound, he pointed to a 2020 article called “The Welfare Effects of Social Media,” by Hunt Allcott, Luca Braghieri, Sarah Eichmeyer, and Matthew Gentzkow. For four weeks prior to the 2018 midterm elections, the authors randomly divided a group of volunteers into two cohorts—one that continued to use Facebook as usual, and another that was paid to deactivate their accounts for that period. They found that deactivation “(i) reduced online activity, while increasing offline activities such as watching TV alone and socializing with family and friends; (ii) reduced both factual news knowledge and political polarization; (iii) increased subjective well-being; and (iv) caused a large persistent reduction in post-experiment Facebook use.” But Gentzkow reminded me that his conclusions, including that Facebook may slightly increase polarization, had to be heavily qualified: “From other kinds of evidence, I think there’s reason to think social media is not the main driver of increasing polarization over the long haul in the United States.”

In the book “ Why We’re Polarized ,” for example, Ezra Klein invokes the work of such scholars as Lilliana Mason to argue that the roots of polarization might be found in, among other factors, the political realignment and nationalization that began in the sixties, and were then sacralized, on the right, by the rise of talk radio and cable news. These dynamics have served to flatten our political identities, weakening our ability or inclination to find compromise. Insofar as some forms of social media encourage the hardening of connections between our identities and a narrow set of opinions, we might increasingly self-select into mutually incomprehensible and hostile groups; Haidt plausibly suggests that these processes are accelerated by the coalescence of social-media tribes around figures of fearful online charisma. “Social media might be more of an amplifier of other things going on rather than a major driver independently,” Gentzkow argued. “I think it takes some gymnastics to tell a story where it’s all primarily driven by social media, especially when you’re looking at different countries, and across different groups.”

Another study, led by Nejla Asimovic and Joshua Tucker, replicated Gentzkow’s approach in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and they found almost precisely the opposite results: the people who stayed on Facebook were, by the end of the study, more positively disposed to their historic out-groups. The authors’ interpretation was that ethnic groups have so little contact in Bosnia that, for some people, social media is essentially the only place where they can form positive images of one another. “To have a replication and have the signs flip like that, it’s pretty stunning,” Bail told me. “It’s a different conversation in every part of the world.”

Nyhan argued that, at least in wealthy Western countries, we might be too heavily discounting the degree to which platforms have responded to criticism: “Everyone is still operating under the view that algorithms simply maximize engagement in a short-term way” with minimal attention to potential externalities. “That might’ve been true when Zuckerberg had seven people working for him, but there are a lot of considerations that go into these rankings now.” He added, “There’s some evidence that, with reverse-chronological feeds”—streams of unwashed content, which some critics argue are less manipulative than algorithmic curation—“people get exposed to more low-quality content, so it’s another case where a very simple notion of ‘algorithms are bad’ doesn’t stand up to scrutiny. It doesn’t mean they’re good, it’s just that we don’t know.”

Bail told me that, over all, he was less confident than Haidt that the available evidence lines up clearly against the platforms. “Maybe there’s a slight majority of studies that say that social media is a net negative, at least in the West, and maybe it’s doing some good in the rest of the world.” But, he noted, “Jon will say that science has this expectation of rigor that can’t keep up with the need in the real world—that even if we don’t have the definitive study that creates the historical counterfactual that Facebook is largely responsible for polarization in the U.S., there’s still a lot pointing in that direction, and I think that’s a fair point.” He paused. “It can’t all be randomized control trials.”

Haidt comes across in conversation as searching and sincere, and, during our exchange, he paused several times to suggest that I include a quote from John Stuart Mill on the importance of good-faith debate to moral progress. In that spirit, I asked him what he thought of the argument, elaborated by some of Haidt’s critics, that the problems he described are fundamentally political, social, and economic, and that to blame social media is to search for lost keys under the streetlamp, where the light is better. He agreed that this was the steelman opponent: there were predecessors for cancel culture in de Tocqueville, and anxiety about new media that went back to the time of the printing press. “This is a perfectly reasonable hypothesis, and it’s absolutely up to the prosecution—people like me—to argue that, no, this time it’s different. But it’s a civil case! The evidential standard is not ‘beyond a reasonable doubt,’ as in a criminal case. It’s just a preponderance of the evidence.”

The way scholars weigh the testimony is subject to their disciplinary orientations. Economists and political scientists tend to believe that you can’t even begin to talk about causal dynamics without a randomized controlled trial, whereas sociologists and psychologists are more comfortable drawing inferences on a correlational basis. Haidt believes that conditions are too dire to take the hardheaded, no-reasonable-doubt view. “The preponderance of the evidence is what we use in public health. If there’s an epidemic—when COVID started, suppose all the scientists had said, ‘No, we gotta be so certain before you do anything’? We have to think about what’s actually happening, what’s likeliest to pay off.” He continued, “We have the largest epidemic ever of teen mental health, and there is no other explanation,” he said. “It is a raging public-health epidemic, and the kids themselves say Instagram did it, and we have some evidence, so is it appropriate to say, ‘Nah, you haven’t proven it’?”

This was his attitude across the board. He argued that social media seemed to aggrandize inflammatory posts and to be correlated with a rise in violence; even if only small groups were exposed to fake news, such beliefs might still proliferate in ways that were hard to measure. “In the post-Babel era, what matters is not the average but the dynamics, the contagion, the exponential amplification,” he said. “Small things can grow very quickly, so arguments that Russian disinformation didn’t matter are like COVID arguments that people coming in from China didn’t have contact with a lot of people.” Given the transformative effects of social media, Haidt insisted, it was important to act now, even in the absence of dispositive evidence. “Academic debates play out over decades and are often never resolved, whereas the social-media environment changes year by year,” he said. “We don’t have the luxury of waiting around five or ten years for literature reviews.”

Haidt could be accused of question-begging—of assuming the existence of a crisis that the research might or might not ultimately underwrite. Still, the gap between the two sides in this case might not be quite as wide as Haidt thinks. Skeptics of his strongest claims are not saying that there’s no there there. Just because the average YouTube user is unlikely to be led to Stormfront videos, Nyhan told me, doesn’t mean we shouldn’t worry that some people are watching Stormfront videos; just because echo chambers and foreign misinformation seem to have had effects only at the margins, Gentzkow said, doesn’t mean they’re entirely irrelevant. “There are many questions here where the thing we as researchers are interested in is how social media affects the average person,” Gentzkow told me. “There’s a different set of questions where all you need is a small number of people to change—questions about ethnic violence in Bangladesh or Sri Lanka, people on YouTube mobilized to do mass shootings. Much of the evidence broadly makes me skeptical that the average effects are as big as the public discussion thinks they are, but I also think there are cases where a small number of people with very extreme views are able to find each other and connect and act.” He added, “That’s where many of the things I’d be most concerned about lie.”

The same might be said about any phenomenon where the base rate is very low but the stakes are very high, such as teen suicide. “It’s another case where those rare edge cases in terms of total social harm may be enormous. You don’t need many teen-age kids to decide to kill themselves or have serious mental-health outcomes in order for the social harm to be really big.” He added, “Almost none of this work is able to get at those edge-case effects, and we have to be careful that if we do establish that the average effect of something is zero, or small, that it doesn’t mean we shouldn’t be worried about it—because we might be missing those extremes.” Jaime Settle, a scholar of political behavior at the College of William & Mary and the author of the book “ Frenemies: How Social Media Polarizes America ,” noted that Haidt is “farther along the spectrum of what most academics who study this stuff are going to say we have strong evidence for.” But she understood his impulse: “We do have serious problems, and I’m glad Jon wrote the piece, and down the road I wouldn’t be surprised if we got a fuller handle on the role of social media in all of this—there are definitely ways in which social media has changed our politics for the worse.”

It’s tempting to sidestep the question of diagnosis entirely, and to evaluate Haidt’s essay not on the basis of predictive accuracy—whether social media will lead to the destruction of American democracy—but as a set of proposals for what we might do better. If he is wrong, how much damage are his prescriptions likely to do? Haidt, to his great credit, does not indulge in any wishful thinking, and if his diagnosis is largely technological his prescriptions are sociopolitical. Two of his three major suggestions seem useful and have nothing to do with social media: he thinks that we should end closed primaries and that children should be given wide latitude for unsupervised play. His recommendations for social-media reform are, for the most part, uncontroversial: he believes that preteens shouldn’t be on Instagram and that platforms should share their data with outside researchers—proposals that are both likely to be beneficial and not very costly.

It remains possible, however, that the true costs of social-media anxieties are harder to tabulate. Gentzkow told me that, for the period between 2016 and 2020, the direct effects of misinformation were difficult to discern. “But it might have had a much larger effect because we got so worried about it—a broader impact on trust,” he said. “Even if not that many people were exposed, the narrative that the world is full of fake news, and you can’t trust anything, and other people are being misled about it—well, that might have had a bigger impact than the content itself.” Nyhan had a similar reaction. “There are genuine questions that are really important, but there’s a kind of opportunity cost that is missed here. There’s so much focus on sweeping claims that aren’t actionable, or unfounded claims we can contradict with data, that are crowding out the harms we can demonstrate, and the things we can test, that could make social media better.” He added, “We’re years into this, and we’re still having an uninformed conversation about social media. It’s totally wild.”

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How Does Social Media Affect Your Mental Health?

Facebook has delayed the development of an Instagram app for children amid questions about its harmful effects on young people’s mental health. Does social media have an impact on your well-being?

By Nicole Daniels

What is your relationship with social media like? Which platforms do you spend the most time on? Which do you stay away from? How often do you log on?

What do you notice about your mental health and well-being when spending time on social networks?

In “ Facebook Delays Instagram App for Users 13 and Younger ,” Adam Satariano and Ryan Mac write about the findings of an internal study conducted by Facebook and what they mean for the Instagram Kids app that the company was developing:

Facebook said on Monday that it had paused development of an Instagram Kids service that would be tailored for children 13 years old or younger, as the social network increasingly faces questions about the app’s effect on young people’s mental health. The pullback preceded a congressional hearing this week about internal research conducted by Facebook , and reported in The Wall Street Journal , that showed the company knew of the harmful mental health effects that Instagram was having on teenage girls. The revelations have set off a public relations crisis for the Silicon Valley company and led to a fresh round of calls for new regulation. Facebook said it still wanted to build an Instagram product intended for children that would have a more “age appropriate experience,” but was postponing the plans in the face of criticism.

The article continues:

With Instagram Kids, Facebook had argued that young people were using the photo-sharing app anyway, despite age-requirement rules, so it would be better to develop a version more suitable for them. Facebook said the “kids” app was intended for ages 10 to 12 and would require parental permission to join, forgo ads and carry more age-appropriate content and features. Parents would be able to control what accounts their child followed. YouTube, which Google owns, has released a children’s version of its app. But since BuzzFeed broke the news this year that Facebook was working on the app, the company has faced scrutiny. Policymakers, regulators, child safety groups and consumer rights groups have argued that it hooks children on the app at a younger age rather than protecting them from problems with the service, including child predatory grooming, bullying and body shaming.

The article goes on to quote Adam Mosseri, the head of Instagram:

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64% of Americans say social media have a mostly negative effect on the way things are going in the U.S. today

About two-thirds of Americans (64%) say social media have a mostly negative effect on the way things are going in the country today, according to a Pew Research Center survey of U.S. adults conducted July 13-19, 2020. Just one-in-ten Americans say social media sites have a mostly positive effect on the way things are going, and one-quarter say these platforms have a neither positive nor negative effect.

Majority of Americans say social media negatively affect the way things are going in the country today

Those who have a negative view of the impact of social media mention, in particular, misinformation and the hate and harassment they see on social media. They also have concerns about users believing everything they see or read – or not being sure about what to believe. Additionally, they bemoan social media’s role in fomenting partisanship and polarization, the creation of echo chambers, and the perception that these platforms oppose President Donald Trump and conservatives.

This is part of a series of posts on Americans’ experiences with and attitudes about the role of social media in politics today. Pew Research Center conducted this study to understand how Americans think about the impact of social media on the way things are currently going in the country. To explore this, we surveyed 10,211 U.S. adults from July 13 to 19, 2020. Everyone who took part is a member of the Center’s American Trends Panel (ATP), an online survey panel that is recruited through national, random sampling of residential addresses. This way nearly all U.S. adults have a chance of selection. The survey is weighted to be representative of the U.S. adult population by gender, race, ethnicity, partisan affiliation, education and other categories. Read more about the ATP’s methodology .

Here are the questions used for this report, along with responses, and its methodology.

The public’s views on the positive and negative effect of social media vary widely by political affiliation and ideology. Across parties, larger shares describe social media’s impact as mostly negative rather than mostly positive, but this belief is particularly widespread among Republicans.

Roughly half of Democrats and independents who lean toward the Democratic Party (53%) say social media have a largely negative effect on the way things are going in the country today, compared with 78% of Republicans and leaners who say the same. Democrats are about three times as likely as Republicans to say these sites have a mostly positive impact (14% vs. 5%) and twice as likely to say social media have neither a positive nor negative effect (32% vs. 16%).

Among Democrats, there are no differences in these views along ideological lines. Republicans, however, are slightly more divided by ideology. Conservative Republicans are more likely than moderate to liberal Republicans to say social media have a mostly negative effect (83% vs. 70%). Conversely, moderate to liberal Republicans are more likely than their conservative counterparts to say social media have a mostly positive (8% vs. 4%) or neutral impact (21% vs. 13%).

Younger adults are more likely to say social media have a positive impact on the way things are going in the country and are less likely to believe social media sites have a negative impact compared with older Americans. For instance, 15% of those ages 18 to 29 say social media have a mostly positive effect on the way things are going in the country today, while just 8% of those over age 30 say the same. Americans 18 to 29 are also less likely than those 30 and older to say social media have a mostly negative impact (54% vs. 67%).

Republicans, Democrats divided on social media’s impact on country, especially among younger adults

However, views among younger adults vary widely by partisanship. For example, 43% of Democrats ages 18 to 29 say social media have a mostly negative effect on the way things are going, compared with about three-quarters (76%) of Republicans in the same age group. In addition, these youngest Democrats are more likely than their Republican counterparts to say social media platforms have a mostly positive (20% vs. 6%) or neither a positive nor negative effect (35% vs. 18%) on the way things are going in the country today. This partisan division persists among those 30 and older, but most of the gaps are smaller than those seen within the younger cohort.

Views on the negative impact of social media vary only slightly between social media users (63%) and non-users (69%), with non-users being slightly more likely to say these sites have a negative impact. However, among social media users, those who say some or a lot of what they see on social media is related to politics are more likely than those who say a little or none of what they see on these sites is related to politics to think social media platforms have a mostly negative effect on the way things are going in the country today (65% vs. 50%).

Past Pew Research Center studies have drawn attention to the complicated relationships Americans have with social media. In 2019, a Center survey found that 72% of U.S. adults reported using at least one social media site. And while these platforms have been used for political and social activism and engagement , they also raise concerns among portions of the population. Some think political ads on these sites are unacceptable, and many object to the way social media platforms have been weaponized to spread made-up news and engender online harassment . At the same time, a share of users credit something they saw on social media with changing their views about a political or social issue. And growing shares of Americans who use these sites also report feeling worn out by political posts and discussions on social media.

Those who say social media have negative impact cite concerns about misinformation, hate, censorship; those who see positive impact cite being informed

Roughly three-in-ten who say social media have a negative effect on the country cite misinformation as reason

When asked to elaborate on the main reason why they think social media have a mostly negative effect on the way things are going in this country today, roughly three-in-ten (28%) respondents who hold that view mention the spreading of misinformation and made-up news. Smaller shares reference examples of hate, harassment, conflict and extremism (16%) as a main reason, and 11% mention a perceived lack of critical thinking skills among many users – voicing concern about people who use these sites believing everything they see or read or being unsure about what to believe.

In written responses that mention misinformation or made-up news, a portion of adults often include references to the spread, speed and amount of false information available on these platforms. (Responses are lightly edited for spelling, style and readability.) For example:

“They allow for the rampant spread of misinformation.” –Man, 36

“False information is spread at lightning speed – and false information never seems to go away.” –Woman, 71

“Social media is rampant with misinformation both about the coronavirus and political and social issues, and the social media organizations do not do enough to combat this.” –Woman, 26

“Too much misinformation and lies are promoted from unsubstantiated sources that lead people to disregard vetted and expert information.” –Woman, 64

People’s responses that centered around hate, harassment, conflict or extremism in some way often mention concerns that social media contributes to incivility online tied to anonymity, the spreading of hate-filled ideas or conspiracies, or the incitement of violence.

“People say incendiary, stupid and thoughtless things online with the perception of anonymity that they would never say to someone else in person.” –Man, 53

“Promotes hate and extreme views and in some cases violence.” –Man, 69

“People don’t respect others’ opinions. They take it personally and try to fight with the other group. You can’t share your own thoughts on controversial topics without fearing someone will try to hurt you or your family.” –Woman, 65

“Social media is where people go to say some of the most hateful things they can imagine.” –Man, 46

About one-in-ten responses talk about how people on social media can be easily confused and believe everything they see or read or are not sure about what to believe.

“People believe everything they see and don’t verify its accuracy.” –Man, 75

“Many people can’t distinguish between real and fake news and information and share it without doing proper research …” –Man, 32

“You don’t know what’s fake or real.” –Man, 49

“It is hard to discern truth.” –Woman, 80

“People cannot distinguish fact from opinion, nor can they critically evaluate sources. They tend to believe everything they read, and when they see contradictory information (particularly propaganda), they shut down and don’t appear to trust any information.” –Man, 42

Smaller shares complain that the platforms censor content or allow material that is biased (9%), too negative (7%) or too steeped in partisanship and division (6%).

“Social media is censoring views that are different than theirs. There is no longer freedom of speech.” –Woman, 42

“It creates more divide between people with different viewpoints.” –Man, 37

“Focus is on negativity and encouraging angry behavior rather than doing something to help people and make the world better.” –Woman, 66

25% of Americans who say social media have a positive impact on the country cite staying informed, aware

Far fewer Americans – 10% – say they believe social media has a mostly positive effect on the way things are going in the country today. When those who hold these positive views were asked about the main reason why they thought this, one-quarter say these sites help people stay informed and aware (25%) and about one-in-ten say they allow for communication, connection and community-building (12%).

“We are now aware of what’s happening around the world due to the social media outlet.” –Woman, 28

“It brings awareness to important issues that affect all Americans.” –Man, 60

“It brings people together; folks can see that there are others who share the same/similar experience, which is really important, especially when so many of us are isolated.” –Woman, 36

“Helps people stay connected and share experiences. I also get advice and recommendations via social media.” –Man, 32

“It keeps people connected who might feel lonely and alone if there did not have social media …” – Man, 65

Smaller shares tout social media as a place where marginalized people and groups have a voice (8%) and as a venue for activism and social movements (7%).

“Spreading activism and info and inspiring participation in Black Lives Matter.” –Woman, 31

“It gives average people an opportunity to voice and share their opinions.” –Man, 67

“Visibility – it has democratized access and provided platforms for voices who have been and continue to be oppressed.” –Woman, 27

Note: This is part of a series of blog posts leading up to the 2020 presidential election that explores the role of social media in politics today. Here are the questions used for this report, along with responses, and its methodology.

Majorities in most countries surveyed say social media is good for democracy

most americans favor restrictions on false information, violent content online, as ai spreads, experts predict the best and worst changes in digital life by 2035, social media seen as mostly good for democracy across many nations, but u.s. is a major outlier, the role of alternative social media in the news and information environment, most popular.

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ABOUT PEW RESEARCH CENTER Pew Research Center is a nonpartisan, nonadvocacy fact tank that informs the public about the issues, attitudes and trends shaping the world. It does not take policy positions. The Center conducts public opinion polling, demographic research, computational social science research and other data-driven research. Pew Research Center is a subsidiary of The Pew Charitable Trusts , its primary funder.

Social Media and Interpersonal Relationships

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Social media has become popular with the Internet’s increased influence on communication. Naturally, this change has both negative and positive impacts on society and the way we interact with each other. So, what effect does social media have on interpersonal relationships? This essay will try to answer this question.

Today, the number of social networks is growing drastically. The developers of social networks like Facebook, MySpace, and Twitter, among others, have been competing to offer excellent features.

This can be categorised in terms of privacy, interaction, socialization as well as entertainment. Through the use of wide range of communication platform, the sites can be accessed from laptops, mobile phones, iPhones, and iPads. This has made it easy for people to interact freely anytime given that they have internet connections.

The social media has made it easy for people to communicate without need for face to face interactions. However, the concern has been whether social media is eradicating the essence of interpersonal relationship. Interpersonal relationships involve the association between people for a long period, where the association is based emotional feelings, social commitments as well as regular interactions.

The relationships can occur in different situations, such as friends, clubs, acquaintances, family, workplaces, and churches among others. The difference between the two is that interpersonal relations are determined and regulated by society, law and customs that are shared. Social media has both the negative and positive impacts to individuals’ relationships that affect daily activities.

The social media has both negative and positive impacts on relationships. However, the social media is expected to have more positive than negative impacts because of lowered constraints of traditional communication (Anderson, 1). This has made it possible for people to connect more rapidly with more zeal and zest. According to Jain (1) the social media enables people connect easily with many other people from different parts of life far more than the people we meet in the street.

This is true because people share what they have in common and they make a relation out of it. However, this is degrading the traditional ways in which relationships were initiated and accomplished. But the social media has that ability of bringing people from different social and cultural backgrounds more easily than the traditional mode of communication. Therefore, social media can help one meet many friends than they could ever meet in their life thus enriching their relationships.

Introverts have the chance of strengthening their relations through the social media. Relations in the workplace can be strengthened through the social media and it has been made easy for employees to exchange ideas (Conlin and MacMillan 1). Through the social media brands can be enriched through the wider range of friends and followers. However, it also ruins the relationships in the workplace and reduces productivity. This is because a lot of time is spent and hate and hatred can be spread over through social networks.

In a negative way, social media is ruining some of the relationships based on the comments made by other people. For instance, intimate relationships can ruined because of some post like in face book or twitter. Meraji (1) note that some posts made on face book or tweets made can lead to resentment that generates hate and hatred.

This can ruin closer relationship because of some comments made on your wall. Some forgotten relationships can no longer be forgotten and escaped if one is using the social media. This is because it has become a platform where everybody meets and friends of friends are on it. Social media can be detrimental to relationships because of the negativity it may arouse. For example, negative or moody response can affect the real time relationships.

Social media and the internet are robbing off people the time that can be used in a more constructive and intimate face to face communication (Anderson 2). This is because most of the friends in the social media use fake names, give wrong information about themselves, and even create the aspect of intolerance and impatient. This harms the real relations more and it is happening in the real world.

The communication that creates the feeling of remorse when wrong is done, is not present in the social media relationships. Social media interactions can now strengthen far away relationships. This is because the people can easily communicate and according to Anderson (2) geographical distance is no longer a hindrance to relationship. This has made some of the relations blossom

It can be concluded that social media has both positive and negative effects on relationships. The mode in which they are necessitated consumes a lot of people time that could have been applied in a more face to face communication. This has endangered the traditional mode of communication and can be detrimental to relationships.

However, it has made it possible to enhance the communication and keep long distanced relationships in check. It has also made it easy for people to interact more easily and one can make friends online rapidly than it can occur in real life. Contrary, the social media can break relationships and create aspects like intolerance and impatient. It is believed that social media would be having more positive impacts on relationships as time goes on.

Works Cited

Anderson, Jenna. Q. “The Future of Social Relations”. Pew Research Center’s Internet & American Life Project . 2010. Web.

Conlin, Michelle and Douglas, MacMillan. Web 2.0: Managing Corporate Reputations . 2009. Web.

Jain, Rachana . 4 Ways Social Media is Changing Your Relationships . 2010. Web.

Meraji, Shereen. In The Age Of Social Media, Can You Escape Your Ex? . 2010. Web.

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1. IvyPanda . "Social Media and Interpersonal Relationships." October 12, 2018. https://ivypanda.com/essays/social-media-and-interpersonal-relationships/.

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Published: 16 September 2024

The impact of hedonic social media use during microbreaks on employee resources recovery

Jaroslaw Grobelny ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0003-4296-402X 1 ,
Marta Glinka ORCID: orcid.org/0009-0007-9656-2495 1 &
Teresa Chirkowska-Smolak ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0003-3942-5594 1

Scientific Reports volume 14 , Article number: 21603 ( 2024 ) Cite this article

Metrics details

Occupational health

This study investigates the impact of social media-related microbreaks on the resource recovery of employees. Specifically, we examined whether or not the brief, hedonic use of social media through algorithmic videos could fully replenish resources, such as vigor and fatigue, that are depleted after performing clerical tasks. We also compared this form of recovery to other established microbreak activities. We used a pre-registered, mixed-method experimental design to collect data from 308 employees. A series of mixed-method ANOVA tests complemented by quadratic linear contrast terms and post-hoc analyses were performed to test hypotheses and address research questions. The findings indicate that although social media microbreaks offer a certain degree of resource replenishment, they do not provide full recovery, particularly regarding fatigue. Social media facilitate a reasonable psychological detachment but fall short in other recovery experiences. Notably, exposure to nature yielded more beneficial results. The study contributes novel insights to a field primarily focused on the negative impacts of excessive social media use and suggests that rational and brief usage can be advantageous for employee well-being.

Optimizing work and off-job motivation through proactive recovery strategies

Mindfulness-based online intervention increases well-being and decreases stress after Covid-19 lockdown

A desire for distraction: uncovering the rates of media multitasking during online research studies

Introduction.

In pursuing global sustainability, the United Nations 1 prioritized the well-being of employees. Understanding efficient recovery from work-related demands is central to achieving this goal. Among the various strategies for supporting employee recovery, microbreaks emerged as a verified and accessible strategy 2 . Concurrently, social media (SM) has permeated modern society, including the workforce 3 . Thus, exploring the relationship between SM use and the well-being of employees during microbreaks has become a pressing area of investigation.

This paper introduces a novel study that thoroughly investigates the effect of SM-related microbreaks on resource recovery. Utilizing an experimental design, it compares the restoration of psychological resources among 308 participants during SM microbreaks with comparison to no breaks, blank breaks, and nature-related breaks. The objective of the study was to elucidate better the potential impact of recent forms of SM use, such as short videos continuously presented to users through algorithm-based recommendations. The study also analyzes the experience perceived by individuals during microbreaks see 4 .

This research contributes to the existing understanding of work-related recovery by exploring how SM-related microbreaks can have restorative effects. The findings reveal that brief use of SM can effectively replenish depleted psychological resources. While the recovery may be more subtle compared to other well-established microbreaks, it nonetheless contributes positively to resource replenishment. Additionally, the presented results deepen our understanding of SM’s impact on recovery by demonstrating that the psychological detachment achieved through SM microbreaks is significant. Overall, the study offers insights into SM’s positive influence on employee well-being and the conditions under which it occurs.

Recovery at work

The recovery process, which typically occurs within the work-and-rest cycle, is a vital aspect of occupational health 5 . It involves restoring strain level, which increases in response to work demands and then lowers to its pre-stressor level 6 . Working under high demands can deplete the energetic and cognitive resources of employees, which necessitates additional effort to replenish them for a successful return to work. In recovery research, these resources are generally defined as intrinsic, energy- or mood-related attributes, such as vigor or fatigue 2 . During nonwork time, the absence of demands provides an opportunity for recovery, leading to decreased strain symptoms 4 . However, when demands persist during nonwork periods, overload reactions can accumulate over time, resulting in a less-than-optimal state of employees.

One of the contemporary methods of recovery and replenishment of psychological resources being studied are microbreaks 2 . Microbreaks, that is, brief intentional pauses lasting no more than 10 min, mitigate the adverse effects of extended work and can be analyzed using the two abovementioned perspectives 7 . In contrast to traditional breaks, microbreaks are distinct due to their brief duration and spontaneity, which provide mental and physical relief without disrupting work continuity 8 , 9 . Initially rooted in ergonomics to address physical issues, microbreaks evolved in the organizational literature as a succinct strategy for replenishing psychological resources 2 , 10 .

Sonnentag et al. 4 highlight microbreaks as crucial tools for recharging the energy of employees. These brief respites enable mental disengagement and focus redirection, which improves cognitive functioning, creativity, and performance, especially in high-demand professions 8 , 9 . However, the effectiveness of microbreaks is dependent on type and timing. For example, break activities can be broadly categorized into active and passive, which differ in their potential to replenish employee resources. Although activities like outdoor time or social interactions are restorative, not all microbreaks yield equal benefits 11 . As digital trends, such as SM, increasingly permeate break activities, investigating their effects on recovery during microbreaks is becoming crucial.

SM refers to platforms and technologies that enable users to create, share, and interact with content within online communities. These platforms share several defining characteristics, including user-generated content (UGC), interactivity, and the facilitation of real-time communication 12 . SM encompasses various social networking sites (SNSs) tailored to specific content-sharing modes such as text, images, or videos. Notably, UGC (e.g., short videos) is gaining prominence and is currently favored by users as the preferred content format 13 , 14 . Recently, three types of SM usage were delineated, namely, social use (utilizing SM to establish and maintain social connections), hedonic use (utilizing SM for relaxation, entertainment, and escapism), and cognitive use (creating content and sharing or expanding knowledge) 15 , 16 .

The SM phenomenon catalyzed an array of changes in the manner organizations positively and negatively operate, communicate, and engage with employees, not only by fostering instant global connectivity, communication, and knowledge-sharing but also by increasing technostress and work-home interference 17 , 18 , 19 , 20 . To gain a comprehensive understanding of the influence of SM on employees and their well-being, employing robust methodologies and considering the distinct nature and intent of SM use (i.e., social, hedonic, or cognitive) is crucial for future research, which enables a nuanced comprehension of its effects.

Impact of SM use during microbreaks on the psychological resources of employees

Although SM use has become ubiquitous in contemporary workplaces, the specific impact of its hedonic use on employee resources remains unexplored. We propose that brief SM use during microbreaks leads to the recovery of the psychological resources of employees, including (a) fatigue and (b) vigor. The existing literature presents mixed results on the influence of SM on well-being, with outcomes varying dependent on specific SNSs 21 , 22 . Furthermore, prior studies illustrated that SM can exert both positive and negative effects on employees, which influences factors such as satisfaction, engagement, leave intention, job burnout, and work demand 17 , 20 , 23 , 24 , 25 , 26 , 27 , 28 . In summary, a notable research gap exists because studies that examined and systematically compared different types of SM use are limited.

The current understanding of the mechanism underpinning the hedonic utilization of SM in the work environment encourages contemplation of its potential value in aiding employee recovery. This proposition stems from evidence that SM use can effectively disengage individuals from ongoing tasks and facilitate a restorative break from demands. Researchers posited that SM could benefit workers, given that they are not excessively overused 24 , 29 , 30 . Maintaining such rational usage may, however, prove challenging due to the fact that SNSs are deliberately engineered to incorporate a range of design elements (e.g., social comparison, mere exposure effect, endowment effect) that foster additive interactions 31 . Conversely, SM can deplete employee resources when characterized by constant checks and overuse 16 , 32 , 33 . Furthermore, the hedonic use of SM is anticipated to evoke a potent emotional response akin to the experience of viewing online videos 34 . This notion positions SM as a potentially apt candidate for microbreak activities due to its unique characteristics, making it conducive to promoting brief respite periods within the workday.

The potential impact of SM on employee resources constitutes a hypothesis based on the Effort–Recovery Model (ERM) 35 . This framework postulates that when employees confront elevated job demands, corresponding cognitive load reactions occur, manifesting as psychological strain symptoms such as fatigue. Resource mobilization during mental activities supports performance but results in effort and energy depletion consecutively. The reduction of strain symptoms transpires when employees are no longer subject to additional demands and can, thus, engage in recovery processes. Notably, the absence of demands during nonwork intervals is seemingly pivotal in this recovery dynamic 36 . In this context, microbreaks assume heightened significance as a means of momentary energy replenishment 4 . Hence, the energetic resources of employees are no longer depleted when they partake in brief moments of hedonic SM use because it does not entail cognitive engagement. Provided that the use of the SM is brief, it will not cause any additional negative effects or discomfort. Therefore, the study poses the following:

H1. Brief SM use during microbreaks leads to the recovery of the psychological resources of employees , including (a) fatigue and (b) vigor .

Relative efficacy of SM-related microbreaks

Expanding upon our first hypothesis, we aim to compare the impact of SM-related microbreaks versus established microbreak type, i.e., nature-related activities, using a controlled trial approach 37 . We hypothesize that employee recovery of psychological resources after microbreaks, including (a) fatigue and (b) vigor induced by SM activities, is lower than that induced by nature-related activities. The purpose of this part is not to evaluate the effects of nature-related micro-breaks but rather to gain a better understanding of the relative effectiveness of the hedonic use of SM as a form of brief resource restoration.

Prior studies documented the restorative effects of green microbreaks on the employees’ attentional resources, increased positive emotions and reduced negative ones 2 . The theoretical foundations also support the benefits of engaging with nature, e.g., the attention restoration theory (ART) posits that nature viewing enhances focus and cognitive performance by improving voluntary attention and reducing distractions 38 . There are no documented negative repercussions associated with excessive engagement with natural environments. Conversely, excessive utilization of SM platforms has been correlated with the emergence of a distinct fatigue state, a sensation of being overwhelmed, the manifestation of counterproductive behaviors, and a reduction in task-focused attentional capacity 39 , 40 , 41 . In instances of persistent SM engagement, the uninterrupted influx of multimedia stimuli can compete for and potentially deplete the cognitive attentional resources of an employee 32 , 42 or hinder their full engagement 43 , 44 . Interacting with such overstimulating content can partially reduce the opportunities to replenish the mental energy necessary for subsequent tasks during working hours 45 .

In conclusion, the employment of SM during breaks, despite its hypothetical beneficial impact, is concomitantly linked with specific constraints and risks. Conversely, contact with nature is free from such challenges and aligns with human biology. Therefore, although one might expect a certain level of resource replenishment from using SM during a short (provided the duration is brief), these advantages are unlikely to exceed those derived from breaks involving nature.

H2. Recovery of the psychological resources of employees after microbreaks , including (a) fatigue and (b) vigor induced by SM activity , is lower than that induced by nature-related activity.

Recovery experience during SM-related microbreaks

The action perspective has long influenced the study of microbreaks and their impact on employee resources. Nonetheless, an additional approach should be considered to comprehensively understand the recovery phenomenon, as Sonnentag et al. 4 , 6 underscored the necessity of integrating the recovery experience perspective. The subsequent section aims to scrutinize the current knowledge about employee experiences during SM use, which paves the way for formulating a targeted research question. The challenge in analyzing the impact of SM is the focus of the majority of studies on excessive engagement in digital activities at workplaces, resulting in various adverse effects, including emotional exhaustion, perceived stress, fear of missing out, rumination, heightened distractibility, and increased vigilance toward virtual notifications 15 , 16 , 40 , 46 , 47 , 48 , 49 . These factors may undermine employee experiences with SM, diminishing opportunities for effective resource recovery. However, whether or not only brief periods of SM usage yield these adverse effects remains uncertain.

Additionally, the existing studies frequently lack a precise categorization of the objectives of SM use, such as social, hedonic, or cognitive, and do not align well with established frameworks for understanding employee recovery experiences, such as that proposed by Sonnentag and Fritz 36 . They identified four distinct experiences that describe how individuals unwind and recover from work, namely, psychological detachment (mental disengagement from work tasks and responsibilities), relaxation (a state of low activation and increased positive affect), mastery (experiences associated with learning opportunities beyond the work domain), and control (freedom to select one’s activities). Although Fritz et al. 50 initially defined these experiences in the context of off-job periods, they were also applicable to employee recovery during working hours 51 . Contrary to its negative portrayal, SM use during microbreaks can offer unique benefits to employees, which potentially aids in the replenishment of resources. However, evidence supporting such an impact remains preliminary.

Engaging in short bouts of SM is considered to facilitate psychological detachment from work by capturing the attention of employees and mentally immersing them in the digital realm. For instance, previous research has explored the use of SNSs as a means of facilitating psychological detachment from stressful life events, such as a pandemic 52 . For relaxation, engagement in SM enhances feelings of social connectedness and belonging and elevates mood 53 , 54 , which may indicate achieved relaxation. Hedonic SM use should particularly contribute to this, as a prior study found that watching amusing video content during microbreaks reduces stress 55 . Regarding mastery, there is a notable absence of research explicitly investigating the connection between SM usage and this experience. Finally, despite their short duration, microbreaks can still offer employees a feeling of autonomy. This is because having access to social media may enhance a sense of control, as users can independently choose which content to engage with 56 . Limited evidence and lack of systematic analysis on how different types of SM use affect established recovery experience categories lead us to adopt an exploratory approach, prompting an open research question:

RQ1. To what extent is a brief SM use during microbreaks related to the four recovery experiences , namely , (a) psychological detachment , (b) relaxation , (c) mastery , and (d) control?

Participants and sampling procedure

The study recruited 308 individuals. Gender distribution was as follows: 68.8, 29.2, and 1.9% identified as women, men, and no response, respectively. The average age was 24.9 years ( SD = 5.4), and the average job experience was 4.6 years ( SD = 4.4). For occupation, 62.3% 25% and 12.7% were engaged in office jobs, manual labor, or both. Overall, the sample predominantly consisted of young adult female office workers. The recruitment process involved posting advertisements on local SM groups, which resulted in 914 applications. Participants were then invited weekly from a random subsample, with the inclusion criteria determining invitation eligibility.

The inclusion criteria stipulated that participants must be employed, within working capacity age, and in an average health condition (physically and mentally). The intended sample size was 308 with a priori power analysis conducted using GPower (version 3.1.9.7). The following parameters were used to determine the size: repeated-measure ANOVA with within–between interaction as a statistical test, an anticipated weak-moderate effect size (0.20–0.25), moderate correlations (approximately 0.30) among repeated measures, an alpha value of 0.01, and a power value of 0.99. We utilized the study by Bennett et al. 7 , which had a similar design, to estimate the anticipated effect sizes. Consequently, the study demonstrated sufficient sensitivity to conclude weak or nonsignificant effects ( F (6, 608) = 2.11) with an alpha value of 0.05 and a statistical power of 0.80.

Vigor and fatigue

The study assessed two intrinsic resources: vigor (a state of pleasant activation) and fatigue (an experience of unpleasant deactivation). Both components, characterized as energetic resources within the conservation of resources theory (COR), necessitate replenishment when depleted 57 . Vigor contributes to the willingness to invest effort in tasks and sustain persistence, whereas fatigue represents its converse 58 . They were measured using the Polish version 59 of the profile of mood states (PoMS) 60 . The participants rated the degree of a specific mood they were experiencing at the moment using a five-point Likert-type scale (ranging from definitely no to definitely yes ). The study used eight and seven items (adjectives) from the vigor (e.g., energetic and alert) and fatigue (e.g., worn out and exhausted) subscales. The questionnaire demonstrated reliability in Polish contexts and work-related environments and underwent back-translation as part of the adaptation process 7 , 61 , 62 .

Recovery experience

The study measured the four recovery experiences listed in Sonnentag and Fritz’s 36 framework: psychological detachment, relaxation, mastery, and control. We employed the recovery experience questionnaire (REQ) by Sonnentag and Fritz, adopted and modified by Bakker et al. 63 to measure momentary and state-based experiences. The participants rated their experiences while engaging in break activities. The measure consists of 16 items rated using a five-point Likert-type scale (ranging from definitely no to definitely yes ). Previous scholars demonstrated that the instrument provides reliable and valid results 36 , 63 . Exemplary statements included I forgot about the task to be done , or I used the time to relax.

Demographics and controlled variables

This study employed several measures and controlled variables to establish comparable conditions between experimental groups. Age and gender were assessed via self-report. Subjective levels of sleepiness were evaluated using the Karolinska Sleepiness Scale 64 , a single-item measure rated using a nine-point scale ranging from extremely alert to extremely sleepy . Additionally, factors such as engaging in sedentary work, caffeine consumption within three hours prior to the study, hours of work or study completed the same day before the study, use of glasses or contact lenses, and overall mental and physical health were measured.

Procedure and data collection

The study employed a randomized experimental design featuring a 4 × 3 mixed-effect plan with a between-subject factor Type , which spans four levels (no break, no activity break, nature-related break, and SM-related break) and a within-subject factor Time , which pertained to the repeated measurement of the psychological resources at distinct points (Time 1: prior to engagement in a clerical task, Time 2: after the clerical task, and Time 3: after a break). The study utilized a single-blinded design; thus, the participants remained unaware of the effect expected from the breaks of their groups.

The procedure (including all methods) was performed in accordance with the relevant guidelines and regulations. The experimental manipulation occurred within a controlled laboratory environment using a designated testing platform displayed on computer workstations. These workstations had a laptop featuring an external screen, a keyboard, a mouse, and wireless headphones with active noise cancellation. Additionally, two stacked document drawers and a mini keyboard with like and dislike keys were present. One or two sets of invoices were placed contingent on the scenario within the file drawers (with two sets assigned exclusively to the no break condition). Three workstations were positioned, separated by black screens. To enhance external validity and consider the social presence effect on daily office tasks 65 , the study employed a group delivery approach 66 —three participants were studied simultaneously, all assigned to the same experimental scenario.

The experimental procedure encompassed multiple components: the participants engaged in clerical tasks and took breaks that varied across the four scenarios; their psychological resources and recovery experiences were then assessed. The procedural outline was as follows: the participants entered the laboratory in groups of three, and the research assistant described the objective of the study—to discern optimal working conditions—and guided the participants through the protocol. The participants were then apprised of the voluntary nature of their participation, the freedom to withdraw, and were requested to provide informed consent. Only then did they don the headphones and initiate the procedure by following on-screen instructions. Initially, the subjects provided demographic and control variable information. Subsequently, the first PoMS assessment was conducted; afterward, they underwent a 20-minute clerical task that involved retrieving invoices from the first drawer and inputting details from the paper document into a digital form. This timeframe was selected to induce resource depletion, congruent with previous studies that used a similar duration 67 , 68 , 69 , 70 . Another PoMS evaluation was conducted prior to the experimental manipulation. Then, the participants undertook a subsequent clerical task (utilizing a second set of invoices), were instructed to remain inactive, or were exposed to nature- or SM-related content. Ultimately (after the second clerical task or break), they completed a concluding PoMS assessment and REQ measure. Afterward, they were debriefed, encouraged to raise queries, received an incentive of approximately $25, and were extended the opportunity to participate in a supplementary lottery, which offers a potential reward of approximately $120. The entire procedure spanned approximately 40 min. Additionally, following the completion of the first PoMS assessment (Time 1), participants received a message within the survey platform instructing them to wait for the research assistant’s signal before proceeding further. This measure was implemented to ensure that all participants began and completed the clerical task and subsequent break at approximately the same time, thereby minimizing potential distractions and streamlining the procedural flow.

The participants were assigned to one of the four groups (between-subject factor). The no-break condition involved omitting a break, with participants immediately transitioning to the second task after completing the second PoMS assessment. The participants spent an additional 4 min typing invoice details instead of taking a break (this was the only group in which the second set of invoices was introduced and utilized). Arguably, this group experienced a microbreak given the interruption of clerical tasks provided by the PoMS assessment, as prior research indicated that even a brief engagement in different tasks could influence employee resources 7 . Nonetheless, the participants in this group worked while the other groups rested. Thus, this group is regarded as a control given the lack of a break.

The blank break condition entailed 4 min of rest without additional activities. The participants were instructed to rest and abstain from activities such as checking their phones. This condition is deemed a control group for the potential impact of microbreak activity.

The nature-related condition involved 4 min of observing natural landscapes such as forests, coastlines, mountains, and corresponding ambient sounds (e.g., flowing rivers). Videos featuring animals were excluded to mitigate their potential additional influence, which could introduce uncontrolled effects 71 .

The SM-related conditions encompassed 4 min of viewing short, vertically oriented UGCs in video form, which reflects the prevalent trend of hedonistic, video-centric use of SM applications 72 , 73 . These videos ranged in duration from 10 to 30 s and were presented based on algorithmic suggestions. The participants experienced the content from a user’s perspective, including scrolling transitions between videos and the mobile OS interface. The concise video format was adopted due to its dominance and continued growth on the Internet 74 , in which a significant proportion consists of videos < 1 min 75 . The video themes included home decor, trivia, gadgets, life hacks, cuisine, and amusing videos. Videos featuring offensive, aggressive, political, or erotic content were omitted from the compilation. Nature and animal-related videos were also excluded to ensure the independence of the research conditions. Additionally, the participants used a mini keyboard to like or dislike the viewed videos, which is an essential inclusion given the interactive nature of SM 12 , 76 . The exclusion of this element may have rendered the activity close to simple video watching, compromising internal validity.

The participants were randomly allocated to these experimental groups in batches of three people. The block randomization approach was employed with block sizes of eight batches (a multiplication of the number of experimental groups). The list of blocks was generated using an online tool and is available, along with other study materials, in the Open Science Framework repository 77 . Unevenly distributed covariates were not expected to influence the investigated effect, which justifies the selection of a block-based plan 78 .

The experimental design incorporated the within-subject factor of Time in line with the argument of Bennet et al. 7 that investigating recovery processes should encompass the study of resource depletion and subsequent replenishment effects. This allows for a comprehensive understanding of recovery, defined as the return to baseline resource levels. Although the current study did not anticipate that the two initial measurements of PoMS would yield significant group differences, they served the critical purpose of evaluating whether or not psychological resources were indeed depleted from Times 1 to 2 (after the clerical task) and subsequently replenished from Times 2 to 3 (after the break). Moreover, assessing actual differences in vigor and fatigue from Times 1 to 2 was a strategy to gauge the effectiveness of the experimental procedure.

The participants were allocated among the experimental groups, and sample sizes were 76, 77, 77, and 78 for the no-break, blank break, nature-related break, and SM-related break groups, respectively. Table 1 provides an overview of the central tendencies, variability, and reliability of the measures of the variables. All psychological questionnaires demonstrated satisfactory or exceptionally high reliability, as evidenced by their alpha coefficient values.

To ensure the validity of the measures used in this study, the results from the psychological tests were subjected to confirmatory factor analysis. This analysis was conducted to assess the fit of the data to their theoretical structures and confirm that the results could be meaningfully interpreted at the scale level. Separate models were tested for the PoMS, which included two latent factors (vigor and fatigue), and for the REQ, which included four latent factors corresponding to each experience within the framework. The analyses were conducted using the R library lavaan 79 , and both models were estimated using the Weighted Least Squares Mean-Adjusted estimator due to the data being collected via Likert-style and adjective scales, exhibiting non-normal distributions and having moderate sample size. A range of fit indices was compared, including absolute, relative, incremental, and parsimonious indices, along with non-centrality and absolute residual-based fit indices. Both models demonstrated a significant fit to the data (PoMS: χ 2 (89) = 413, p < .001; REQ: χ 2 (98) = 145.43, p < .0.01) and showed satisfactory to exceptional fit (PoMS: TLI = 0.97, GFI = 0.98, AGFI = 0.98, PNFI = 0.82, RMSEA = 0.06, SRMR = 0.07; REQ: TLI = 0.99, GFI = 0.99, AGFI = 0.99, PNFI = 0.79, RMSEA = 0.04, SRMR = 0.06) 80 , 81 . These results provided confidence in the validity of the measures, allowing us to proceed with further analyses.

We then assessed whether or not the controlled variables were equally distributed across groups, as expected due to the random assignment methodology. The study used χ 2 for proportions and one-way ANOVA for means. The results did not yield evidence for differences between experimental groups in terms of gender ( χ 2 (6) = 4.76, p = .0.57), age ( F (3, 304) = 1.65, p = .18), employment status ( χ 2 (6) = 6.62, p = 0 .36), office versus manual work type ( χ 2 (6) = 4.95, p = 0.55), sedentary work ( χ 2 (12) = 12.42, p = 0.41), average weekly hours of work ( F (3, 304) = 0.96, p = 0.41), being well rested ( F (3, 304) = 1.19, p = 0.31), taking caffeinated beverages before the study ( χ 2 (3) = 1.88, p = 0.60), the number of hours worked before the survey ( F (3, 304) = 0.33, p = 0.80), and wearing glasses or lenses ( χ 2 (3) = 6.55, p = .0.09). The study observed an uneven distribution of variables between the groups in terms of work experience ( F (3, 304) = 2.72, p = 0.04) and overall health status ( χ 2 (3) = 9.50, p = .0.02). However, the effect sizes were negligible ( η 2 = 0.026; V = 0.176).

H1 proposed that SM-related microbreaks facilitate the recovery of psychological resources, including (a) fatigue and (b) vigor, by enabling the return to baseline levels after being depleted by work tasks. First, a 4 (Type, between-subject factor) × 3 (Time, within-subject factor) mixed-method ANOVA was used. Vigor and fatigue were entered as the dependent variables in separate analyses. The recovery phenomenon was tested by including a quadratic linear contrast term for the main effect of Time. This analysis enables the assessment of signs of depletion from Times 1 to 2 (baseline to post-work) and replenishment from Times 2 to 3 (post-work to post-break) across experimental conditions. Three post-hoc analyses (paired t -tests) with Bonferroni corrections were conducted to evaluate whether or not a mean difference exists in each outcome variable (a) between Times 1 and 2 (depletion effect) and (b) between Times 2 and 3 (replenishment effect). Moreover, the study examined (c) if no mean difference exists in each psychological resource between Times 1 and 3 (recovery effect). Table 2 presents the results.

Impact of SM use during microbreaks on vigor

First, the initial assumptions for ANOVA with vigor as the dependent variable were tested. No extreme outliers (values exceeding the third quartile or falling below the first quartile by more than three times the interquartile range) were detected. The normality assumption was assessed using the Shapiro–Wilk test for each group, which reveals violations of this assumption in only four instances (all in Times 1 and 2). Given the sample size, the data quantiles were plotted against normally distributed ones, and all points were approximately aligned along the reference line, which enabled continued analysis. Levene’s test indicated that the variance of the outcome variable was equal between the groups of the between-subject factor (break type) in all cases ( p > .0.05). Box’s M-test demonstrated the same for within-subject factor covariance ( M = 2.48; p = 0.48).

The results of the 4 × 3 mixed-method ANOVA for the vigor outcome supported a main effect of Time ( F (2, 608) = 184.44, p < .05, η 2 P = 0.38 ) , which was quadratic as suggested by the polynomial linear contrast term ( F (1, 304) = 309.11, p < .0.001, η 2 P = 0.50; Fig. 1 ). The main effect of Type was identified ( F (3, 304) = 3.18, p < .0.05, η 2 P = 0.03), as well as the Type×Time effect ( F (6, 608) = 5.05, p < .0.001, η 2 P = 0.05). This result implies that various types of activities observed during microbreaks exerted distinct impacts on vigor, which also varied at specific measurement times.

Levels of employee resources at different times.

As the study concerns SM-related microbreaks, a simple main effect of Time for this microbreak activity was run and proved significant ( F (2, 154) = 42.09, p < .0.001, η 2 P = 0.35). A series of paired t -tests with corresponding effect sizes (Table 2 ) further proved the nonlinear nature of changes in vigor among time points. The level of the outcome variable significantly decreased after the work task and subsequently increased following the SM microbreak. This replenishment effect was significant and moderate ( t = − 4.02, p < .0.001, d = 0.46). However, full recovery was not observed, as indicated by the Times 1 and 3 comparison. After SM use, vigor increased but did not fully return to baseline ( t = 4.96, p < .0.001, d = 0.56). This result partially supports H1 regarding vigor as a significant but partial recovery phenomenon was observed.

H2 involved a comparison of the recovery strengths between SM- and nature-related microbreaks. Notably, the nature-related microbreak was the only one that led to full recovery, as suggested by the lack of significant differences in vigor levels between Times 1 and 3 ( t = 0.95; ns , d = 0.11). The depletion phenomenon exhibited a similar magnitude across groups, as evident by Cohen’s d values, which makes the differences in recovery strength dependent on the replenishment effect. Specifically, the replenishment effect was weaker for the SM than the nature group (Cohen’s d : 0.46 and 0.91, respectively). Interestingly, recovery was less robust with SM use compared with a blank break. These findings support H2 in terms of vigor.

Impact of SM use during microbreaks on fatigue

The initial assumptions were examined again before ANOVA, and no extreme outliers were identified. The normality assumption was confirmed through the Shapiro–Wilk test results, supported by an inspection of the plotted quantiles. Levene’s test indicated homogeneity of outcome variable variance ( p > .0.05 for all instances), and Box’s M suggested the same for covariance ( M = 8.14; p = .0.04). As suggested by Tabachnick and Fidell 82 , the value of 0.001 was adopted for the significance determination due to the high sensitivity of Box’s M -test.

The main effect of Time was supported when fatigue was tested as an outcome ( F (2, 608) = 114.97, p < .0.001, η 2 P = 0.27). Again, the results imply that the relationship can be characterized as quadratic ( F (1, 304) = 157.36, p < .0.001, η 2 P = 0.34). Only the Type×Time effect proved significant ( F (6, 608) = 10.09, p < .0.001, η 2 P = 0.09), as the Type does not impact fatigue level ( F (3, 304) = 1.98, p = .0.12, η 2 P = 0.02). Thus, it should be assumed that the impact of break type on fatigue was evident only at selected times.

A simple effect of the Time factor for the SM group was tested and found significant ( F (2, 154) = 20.08, p < .0.001, η 2 P = 0.21). Pairwise mean comparison further supported the assertation of the nonlinear nature of fatigue changes. Fatigue level increased significantly after completion of the work task ( t = − 6.64, p < .0.001, d = 0.75), then decreased after the SM-related break; this time, however, the change was nonsignificant ( t = 1.7, ns , d = 0.19). Therefore, the end state of fatigue was significantly higher than the baseline ( t = − 4.49, p < .0.001, d = 0.51).

To assess whether or not these findings support the hypothesis, contextualizing and comparing them against control conditions are essential steps. Among subjects without a microbreak, fatigue levels also increased after the task ( t = − 8.03, p < .0.001, d = 0.92); however, a subsequent decrease was not observed. Instead, fatigue increased after the absence of the microbreak ( t = − 1.14, ns , d = 0.16). Consequently, the final fatigue state was even higher than those of the two previous conditions ( t = − 8.59, p < .0.001, d = 0.99). The increase in fatigue observed in the no-break group was twice as strong as with SM use during the break (Cohen’s d : 0.99 and 0.51, respectively). Based on this comparison of the SM-related and no-break conditions effect size ratios, the study infers that the findings partially support H1 for fatigue.

For H2, nature-related microbreak was superior in terms of fatigue recovery, which is the only break type that actually resulted in recovery to baseline ( t = − 0.64, ns , d = 0.07). SM use also resulted in a less effective fatigue recovery compared to with a blank break ( t = − 2.5, p < .0.001, d = 0.29). This aspect, therefore, offers robust support for H2 for fatigue.

Additionally, it should be noted that clerical tasks effectively depleted participant resources, as evidenced by differences in the measurements between Times 1 and 2 for all groups. The no-break scenario, which involved a brief interruption of clerical tasks, produced significantly worse results than other scenarios. Although minimal recovery was observed in this group regarding vigor, this finding aligns with the existing knowledge on microbreak efficacy, even those as short as 1 min 7 .

Finally, the study tested for the impact of different breaks on resource recovery. Prior to ANOVA, all initial assumptions were thoroughly tested. No outliers were found, and no assumptions were violated, including normality, variance homogeneity, and covariance homogeneity. The main effects for Type and Experience were statistically significant ( F (3, 304) = 31.54, p < .001, η 2 P = 0.28; F (2.67, 812.40) = 66.38, p < .0.001, η 2 P = 0.18) with the interaction effect ( F (8.02, 812.40) = 25.75, p < .001, η 2 P = 0.20). In other words, the participants perceived different recovery experiences during distinct microbreaks. Further support for this observation was obtained through post-hoc tests with Bonferroni’s adjustment for the SM group ( F (2.52, 194.10) = 32.30, p < .0.001, η 2 P = 0.30). Table 3 presents the results of the recovery experience measurements among the experimental groups.

Post-hoc analysis based on paired t -tests with Bonferroni corrections and their respective effect sizes provided insight into the characteristics of SM-related recovery experiences. In this group, the participants reported the relatively highest level of psychological detachment ( t = 4.71, p < 0.001, d = 0.53 compared with relaxation; t = 8.09, p < .0.001, d = 0.92 compared with mastery; t = 6.13, p < .0.001, d = 0.69 compared with control). It was significantly higher than that of the participants in the no-break condition ( t = 8.45, p = .0.001, d = 1.36). However, no significant differences were observed compared with blank and nature-related breaks ( t = 0.79, ns , d = 0.12; t = 0.99, p = ns , d = 0.14, respectively).

Relaxation was rated relatively and significantly higher than mastery ( t = − 5.03, p < .0.001, d = 0.57) and control ( t = − 2.81, p < .0.05, d = 0.32) within the SM-related microbreak condition. The participants who engaged in SM during break found their experience more relaxing than those without a break ( t = 4.20, p < .0.001, d = 0.68) but significantly less relaxing than those with the blank ( t = 5.72, p < .0.001, d = 0.83) or nature-related ( t = 8.52, p < 0.001, d = 1.42) break.

Among the recovery experiences of the SM group, mastery obtained the lowest rating, which is significantly lower than those of psychological detachment and relaxation but not control ( t = 2.69, ns , d = 0.32). It also achieved the lowest rating compared with the mastery experience of the other groups. Nevertheless, the difference was only significant for the group without a break ( t = 3.55, p < .0.001, d = 0.53).

The last experience, control, was rated virtually the same by those under the SM and no-break conditions. The control experience was evaluated as lower in the SM group than in the nature-related one. However, this time difference was nonsignificant ( t = 2.58, ns , d = 0.42). The rating of this experience was also lower than that of the blank break group, and the difference was significant ( t = 3.43, p < .0.001, d = 0.54).

This study examines the effects of brief, hedonic SM use during microbreaks on employee energetic resource recovery. Drawing on the ERM 35 , we hypothesize that SM use following clerical tasks will facilitate recovery in vigor and fatigue (H1). However, we expect this recovery to be less effective than that achieved through established microbreak activities (H2). The randomized experimental study partially confirms H1, demonstrating that SM microbreaks can replenish, but not fully recover, resources. H2 has also been supported, indicating that nature-based microbreaks are superior. Furthermore, the study offers initial insights into the effects of hedonic SM use on the four types of recovery experience outlined in the Sonnentag and Fritz 36 framework, which demonstrates its potential to aid in psychological detachment but not in relaxation, mastery, and control. The study makes a valuable contribution to the existing literature on SM and microbreaks by elucidating the potential benefits and drawbacks of such engagements during work intervals. Although we highlight the capacity of hedonic SM use to replenish psychological resources, we also underscore its limitations in achieving full recovery and selected experiences.

Impact of SM on resource recovery

ERM 35 explains that high job demands can result in psychological strain, which manifests as symptoms such as fatigue. Engaging in hedonic SM use seemingly offers a means of disconnecting from such demands, allowing employees to replenish psychological resources without imposing a substantial cognitive burden. These findings challenge previous research that highlights the adverse effects of SM activities e.g., 17 , 27 , 83 and align with those indicating that SM can help individuals rest from work-related strains e.g., 24 , 29 , 30 . Therefore, the apparent contradiction in previous findings may be reconciled by considering the specific purpose and duration of SM use examined in the current study, which advocates for hedonic engagement within a reasonable timeframe (e.g., < 10 min).

The study not only strengthens evidence in favor of the benefits of SM use during microbreaks but also navigates the complex landscape highlighted by prior research regarding the dual-edged nature of SM. While a few studies reported adverse effects and potential resource depletion due to constant checking and excessive SM use 16 , 32 , 33 , the current findings underscore the significance of moderation and type of content. SM use is pervasive in today’s workplaces 13 , 29 . Therefore, organizations may wish to recognize that SM use can aid in moderate regeneration of employee energetic resources, provided it is used for appropriate purposes and within short intervals, making it a viable option for microbreak activities. The findings of this study also contribute to our understanding of SM’s negative impacts, suggesting that reasonable and limited interruptions should not lead to destructive consequences.

SM-related relative efficiency

The secondary objective aim of this study was to investigate the relative effects of SM-related microbreaks on psychological recovery. The findings demonstrate that not all breaks are created equal in this context. Although the participants engaging in hedonic SM use experienced a replenishment of depleted resources, specifically fatigue, the recovery was partial. In contrast, exposure to nature-related content emerged as a highly effective activity for counteracting the resources drained by the effort exerted to complete the clerical task. Given that scholars reported that SM- and nature-related contents could induce positive feelings 55 , 71 , 84 , which should facilitate resource replenishment, other factors likely account for the observed differences.

According to ERM 35 , participants exposed to SM were likely to engage in specific demands such as cognitive ones. This engagement may have partially disrupted the alleviation of strain due to the need to mobilize resources for performing clerical tasks. While viewing nature-related content provides a micro-restorative experience by rejuvenating mental energy through indirect attention 38 , engaging with SM likely demands direct attention, hindering full resource recovery. Additionally, exposure to natural settings calms the nervous system, facilitating better resource recovery 85 , 86 . On the other hand, SM content stimulates the nervous system 87 , demanding users to process information and control their emotional states, thereby depleting mental resources 32 , 42 . Conceivably, the immersive and stimulating qualities of SM, mainly when used for hedonistic purposes, engage users in a manner that limits its effectiveness as a restorative activity during microbreaks. The results highlight that SM can be advantageous when used as a brief distraction or microbreak. However, it is not the most effective option for such purposes.

SM and recovery experience

The novel contribution of this study lies in its inaugural exploration of recovery experiences associated with SM use during microbreaks, which is rooted in a methodical comparison using an established framework. Thus, the study enriches the comprehension of the mechanisms that underlie the positive impact of SM. This approach aligns with the recent guidelines proposed by Sonnentag et al. 4 , which emphasized the importance of understanding the underlying processes contributing to adequate work recovery. The obtained results suggest that SM offers a distinct form of recovery through psychological detachment. The capacity of these platforms to help workers disengage from work-related thoughts is notable and closely mirrors the effects of nature-related microbreaks. However, detachment is only one facet of recovery. Although SM enables mental detachment from work, it does not particularly excel at fostering feelings of mastery, relaxation, or control. These results suggest that although SM is a powerful tool for detachment due to its immersive nature, it may not offer a comprehensive recovery experience.

The study showed that taking microbreaks to engage with SM leads to relatively high degrees of psychological detachment compared with other recovery experiences. The novelty of this discovery is that it extends previous research, which confirmed the psychological distancing effects of SM in post-work settings 55 , 88 . Our results suggest that even brief SM use during work can offer some benefits. This may be due to SM’s diverse content and multisensory stimulation 89 , which fully absorbs one’s attention and leaves no room for dwelling on work-related issues. Conversely, the same level of engagement may lead to a comparatively lower sense of relaxation experience due to the impact of SM on brain activity. SNSs, replete with dynamically changing multisensory content, activate reward and gratification systems, which increases dopamine levels. This tendency typically results in heightened excitement instead of relaxation. Investigating recovery experiences associated with SM-related microbreaks contributes to our comprehension of their restorative impact mechanisms. It suggests that the replenishment stems from the brief psychological detachment experienced by employees. However, the inability to attain other recovery experiences may impede complete recovery. This limitation is highlighted by comparing SM-related microbreaks with other, more established types of recovery activities, as demonstrated by the study’s findings.

Practical implications

The study highlights the advantages of integrating SM-based microbreaks into the work routine. However, it also serves as a cautionary note against viewing these breaks as a universal remedy for depleted psychological resources. Organizations should contemplate the formulation of microbreak policies that consider the distinct attributes of SM and their impact on well-being. For example, they could permit limited access to video-based platforms during high-strain intervals and foster a collective understanding of its rational use. Additionally, organizations could integrate recent findings into educational initiatives to alert employees to potential advantages and risks, such as notification-induced tension or adverse health outcomes due to excessive SM use.

Limitations and future research

The study employs a rigorous experimental design to explore microbreaks’ intricate impacts on employee resources. Nonetheless, the methodology gives rise to certain limitations and avenues for future research. Primarily, our study uses pre-recorded material in a controlled setting to simulate SM interactions, acknowledging the difference from the interactive, personalized nature of SNSs 12 , 76 . This approach aims to improve result consistency but may not fully capture SM’s dynamic reality. Prioritizing internal validity, we intentionally standardized content over algorithm-driven personalization, given the sparse knowledge of SM’s causal impacts 90 . Using standardized video content during microbreaks could potentially diminish the restorative effects of SM. Although our content selection was representative, individual preferences influence the rejuvenating quality of breaks. Previous research suggests that breaks tailored to personal preferences can be remarkably restorative 8 , 91 , which introduced the concept of person–break fit 92 . Future research could enhance our approach by examining personalized UGC feeds to enhance the understanding of the impact of SM, which would help elucidate whether or not the restorative effects of SM are limited and less effective compared with other established forms of microbreaks.

Another external validity limitation was the sample composition, which predominantly consisted of young adult female office workers. This sample not only somewhat constrained the generalizability of the findings but also posed specific challenges in interpreting the results. Notably, research indicates that men and women differ in their motivations for using SNSs, with women more often engaging with SM for cognitive purposes 93 . Future research may benefit from examining whether these gender-specific motivational differences create distinct challenges when introducing SM-related microbreaks. Additionally, previous studies have shown that women are more susceptible to developing SM addiction compared to men 94 . Given that the presented study highlights the benefits of rational SM use during microbreaks and that the predominant participant group may be at greater risk for addiction, future research should explore ways to implement SM microbreaks without increasing the likelihood of addiction. However, it is essential to note that these limitations pertain primarily to external validity, while the study design was aimed at maximizing internal validity.

The hedonic use of SM during microbreaks presents potential advantages for the psychological resources of employees. Brief interactions, particularly those involving viewing algorithm-driven short videos, can replenish depleted resources such as vigor and fatigue. However, they only partially recover work-related effort. Simultaneously, using SM during these breaks enhances psychological detachment from work but does not provide the same benefits as those of other recovery experiences. Consequently, integrating SM microbreaks as part of a holistic employee well-being strategy may contribute to recovery, provided that their use is not excessive.

Data availability

Data Availability Statement The data that support the findings of this study and materials (including a randomization list) are openly available in the Open Science Framework at https://doi.org/10.17605/OSF.IO/3MJY7 .

The study hypotheses and design were pre-registered via the Open Science Framework ( https://osf.io/c5nkw ) to ensure transparency and rigor. Notably, no significant deviations from the registered plan were observed.

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Grobelny, J., Glinka, M. & Chirkowska-Smolak, T. The impact of hedonic social media use during microbreaks on employee resources recovery. Sci Rep 14 , 21603 (2024). https://doi.org/10.1038/s41598-024-72825-x

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Home — Essay Samples — Sociology — Sociology of Media and Communication — Social Media

Argumentative Essays About Social Media

Social media argumentative essay topics.

This is a comprehensive resource to help you find the perfect social media essay topic. Whether you're navigating the complexities of digital communication, exploring the impact of social media on society, or examining its effects on personal identity, the right topic can transform your essay into a captivating and insightful exploration. Remember, selecting a topic that resonates with your personal interests and academic goals not only makes the writing process more enjoyable but also enriches your learning experience. Let's dive into a world of creativity and critical thinking!

Below, you'll find a curated list of essay topics organized by type. Each section includes diverse topics that touch on technology, society, personal growth, and academic interests, along with introduction and conclusion paragraph examples to get you started.

Argumentative Essays

The Influence of Social Media on Teen Self-Esteem

Introduction Example: "In the digital age, social media platforms have become central to our daily interactions and self-perception, particularly among teenagers. This essay explores the impact of social media on teen self-esteem, arguing that while it offers a space for expression and connection, it also presents significant challenges to self-image. "

Conclusion Example: "Having delved into the complex relationship between social media and teen self-esteem, it is clear that the digital landscape holds profound effects on individual self-perception. This essay reaffirms the thesis that social media can both uplift and undermine teen self-esteem, calling for a balanced approach to digital engagement."

The Role of Social Media in Political Mobilization

Introduction Example: "As political landscapes evolve, social media has emerged as a powerful tool for political mobilization and engagement. This essay investigates the role of social media in shaping political movements, positing that it significantly enhances communication and organizational capabilities, yet raises questions about information authenticity. "

Conclusion Example: "Through examining the dual facets of social media in political mobilization, the essay concludes that while social media is a pivotal tool for engagement, it necessitates critical scrutiny of information to ensure a well-informed public discourse."

Compare and Contrast Essays

Instagram vs. Twitter: Platforms for Brand Promotion

Introduction Example: "In the competitive realm of digital marketing, Instagram and Twitter stand out as leading platforms for brand promotion. This essay compares and contrasts their effectiveness, revealing that each platform caters to unique marketing strengths due to its specific user engagement and content dissemination strategies. "

Conclusion Example: "The comparative analysis of Instagram and Twitter highlights distinct advantages for brands, with Instagram excelling in visual storytelling and Twitter in real-time engagement, underscoring the importance of strategic platform selection in digital marketing."

Descriptive Essays

Describing the Social Media Landscape of Today

Introduction Example: "Today's social media landscape is a vibrant tapestry of platforms, each contributing to the digital era's social fabric. This essay describes the characteristics and cultural significance of current social media trends, illustrating that they reflect and shape our societal values and interactions. "

Conclusion Example: "In portraying the dynamic and diverse nature of today's social media landscape, this essay underscores its role in molding contemporary cultural and social paradigms, inviting readers to reflect on their digital footprints."

Persuasive Essays

Encouraging Positive Social Media Habits

Introduction Example: "In an era where digital presence is ubiquitous, fostering positive social media habits is essential for mental and emotional well-being. This essay advocates for mindful social media use, arguing that intentional engagement can enhance our life experiences rather than detract from them. "

Conclusion Example: "This essay has championed the cause for positive social media habits, reinforcing the thesis that through mindful engagement, individuals can navigate the digital world in a way that promotes personal growth and well-being."

Narrative Essays

My Journey with Social Media: A Personal Reflection

Introduction Example: "Embarking on a personal journey with social media has been both enlightening and challenging. This narrative essay delves into my experiences, highlighting how social media has influenced my perception of self and community. "

Conclusion Example: "Reflecting on my social media journey, this essay concludes that while it has significantly shaped my interactions and self-view, it has also offered invaluable lessons on connectivity and self-awareness, affirming the nuanced role of digital platforms in our lives."

As you explore these topics, remember to approach your essay with an open mind and creative spirit. The purpose of academic writing is not just to inform but to engage and provoke thought. Use this opportunity to delve deep into your topic, analyze different perspectives, and articulate your own insights.

Each essay type offers unique learning outcomes. Argumentative essays enhance your analytical thinking and ability to construct well-founded arguments. Compare and contrast essays develop your skills in identifying similarities and differences. Descriptive essays improve your ability to paint vivid pictures through words, while persuasive essays refine your ability to influence and convince. Finally, narrative essays offer a platform for personal expression and storytelling. Embrace these opportunities to grow academically and personally.

Some Easy Argumentative Essay Topics on Social Media

The Impact of Social Media: Advantages and Disadvantages
Is Social Media Enhancing or Eroding Our Real-Life Social Skills?
Should There Be Stricter Regulations on Social Media Content to Protect Youth?
Social Media's Role in Relationships: Communication Enhancer or Barrier
Does Social Media Contribute to Political Polarization?
The Role of Social Media in Shaping Perceptions of Divorce
The Impact of Social Media on Mental Health: Benefit or Harm?
Can Social Media Be Considered a Reliable Source of News and Information?
Is Social Media Responsible for the Rise in Cyberbullying?
Impact of Social Media on Mental Health
Does Social Media Promote Narcissism and Self-Centered Behaviors?
The Role of Social Media in Business Marketing: Is It Indispensable?

Hooks Examples for Argumentative Essay about Social Media

"In an era where a single tweet can ignite a movement or ruin a reputation, social media's influence on our lives is undeniable. But is this digital revolution more beneficial or harmful to society?"
"As social media platforms increasingly shape public opinion and behavior, the debate intensifies: Do they promote free expression or fuel misinformation and division?"
"Social media has transformed how we communicate, but at what cost? Exploring the impacts on mental health, privacy, and societal norms reveals a complex web of benefits and drawbacks."
"With billions of users worldwide, social media holds unprecedented power. Should we celebrate its role in connecting people or scrutinize its potential to manipulate and mislead?"
"From viral challenges to political campaigns, social media is a double-edged sword. Is it a force for positive change or a threat to our privacy and well-being?"

The Role of Hate Speech in Social Media

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Social Media is Beneficial to The Mankind

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Positive and Negative Effects of Social Media

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The Importance of Staying Safe on Social Media

Impact of social media on our lives, social media: negative effects and addiction, discussion on whether is social media beneficial or harmful for society, negative effects of social media: relationships and communication, social media pros and cons, social media - good and bad sides, a study of the role of social media concerning confidentiality of personal data, how social media causes stereotyping, social media addiction: consequences and strategies for recovery, the role of social media in making us more narcissistic, the effect social media is having on today's society and political atmosphere, digital/social media, censorship in social media, why teenagers are addicted to social media and how it affects them, advantages and disadvantages of social media for society, enormous impact of mass media on children, the role of social media in the current business world, social media is the reason for many of the world’s problems and solutions, impact of social media on society.

Social media is a digital platform that allows users to create, share, and exchange information and ideas.

Social media's origins trace back to May 24, 1844, with the telegraph's electronic dots and dashes. Modern narratives often cite the 1969 creation of ARPANET as the internet's beginning. In 1987, the National Science Foundation's NSFNET, a robust nationwide digital network, was established. A significant milestone in social media history occurred in 1997 with the launch of Six Degrees, the first genuine social media platform.

Social Networking Sites: Facebook, LinkedIn, and MySpace.
Microblogging Platforms: Twitter.
Media Sharing Networks: Instagram, YouTube, and Snapchat.
Discussion Forums and Community-Based Platforms: Reddit and Quora.
Blogging Platforms: WordPress and Blogger.
Social Bookmarking and Content Curation Platforms: Pinterest and Flipboard.
Messaging Apps: WhatsApp, Facebook Messenger, and WeChat.

Facebook (2004), Reddit (2005), Twitter (2006), Instagram (2010), Pinterest (2010), Snapchat (2011), TikTok (2016)

Increased Connectivity
Information Sharing and Awareness
Networking and Professional Opportunities
Creativity and Self-Expression
Supportive Communities and Causes
Privacy Concerns
Cyberbullying and Online Harassment
Information Overload and Misinformation
Time and Productivity Drain
Comparison and Self-Esteem Issues

The topic of social media is important because it has revolutionized the way we communicate, connect, and consume information. It has a significant impact on businesses, politics, relationships, and society as a whole. Understanding the implications and effects of social media is crucial in today's digital age.

Social media users spend an average of 2 hours and 25 minutes per day on social networking platforms. This amounts to over 7 years of an individual's lifetime spent on social media, highlighting its significant presence in our daily lives.
Instagram has over 1 billion monthly active users, with more than 500 million of them using the platform on a daily basis.
YouTube is the second largest search engine behind Google.
Social media has become a major news source, with 48% of people getting their news from social media platforms. This shift in news consumption highlights the role of social media in shaping public opinion and disseminating information in real-time.
The average internet user has 7.6 social media accounts.

1. Schober, M. F., Pasek, J., Guggenheim, L., Lampe, C., & Conrad, F. G. (2016). Social media analyses for social measurement. Public opinion quarterly, 80(1), 180-211. (https://academic.oup.com/poq/article-abstract/80/1/180/2593846) 2. Appel, G., Grewal, L., Hadi, R., & Stephen, A. T. (2020). The future of social media in marketing. Journal of the Academy of Marketing science, 48(1), 79-95. (https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s11747-019-00695-1?error=cookies_not_support) 3. Aichner, T., Grünfelder, M., Maurer, O., & Jegeni, D. (2021). Twenty-five years of social media: a review of social media applications and definitions from 1994 to 2019. Cyberpsychology, behavior, and social networking, 24(4), 215-222. (https://www.liebertpub.com/doi/full/10.1089/cyber.2020.0134) 4. Ruths, D., & Pfeffer, J. (2014). Social media for large studies of behavior. Science, 346(6213), 1063-1064. (https://www.science.org/doi/abs/10.1126/science.346.6213.1063) 5. Hou, Y., Xiong, D., Jiang, T., Song, L., & Wang, Q. (2019). Social media addiction: Its impact, mediation, and intervention. Cyberpsychology: Journal of psychosocial research on cyberspace, 13(1). (https://cyberpsychology.eu/article/view/11562) 6. Auxier, B., & Anderson, M. (2021). Social media use in 2021. Pew Research Center, 1, 1-4. (https://www.pewresearch.org/internet/wp-content/uploads/sites/9/2021/04/PI_2021.04.07_Social-Media-Use_FINAL.pdf) 7. Al-Samarraie, H., Bello, K. A., Alzahrani, A. I., Smith, A. P., & Emele, C. (2021). Young users' social media addiction: causes, consequences and preventions. Information Technology & People, 35(7), 2314-2343. (https://www.emerald.com/insight/content/doi/10.1108/ITP-11-2020-0753/full/html) 8. Bhargava, V. R., & Velasquez, M. (2021). Ethics of the attention economy: The problem of social media addiction. Business Ethics Quarterly, 31(3), 321-359. (https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/business-ethics-quarterly/article/ethics-of-the-attention-economy-the-problem-of-social-mediaaddiction/1CC67609A12E9A912BB8A291FDFFE799)

Relevant topics

Effects of Social Media
Media Analysis
Cultural Appropriation
Discourse Community
Sex, Gender and Sexuality
American Identity
Sociological Imagination
Personal Identity

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Seminars Social Media as a Bank Run Catalyst

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Social media fueled a bank run on Silicon Valley Bank (SVB), and the effects were felt broadly in the U.S. banking industry. We employ comprehensive Twitter data to show that preexisting exposure to social media predicts bank stock market losses in the run period even after controlling for bank characteristics related to run risk (i.e., mark-to-market losses and uninsured deposits). Moreover, we show that social media amplifies these bank run risk factors. During the run period, we find the intensity of Twitter conversation about a bank predicts stock market losses at the hourly frequency. This effect is stronger for banks with bank run risk factors. At even higher frequency, tweets in the run period with negative sentiment translate into immediate stock market losses. These high frequency effects are stronger when tweets are authored by members of the Twitter startup community (who are likely depositors) and contain keywords related to contagion. These results are consistent with depositors using Twitter to communicate in real time during the bank run.

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Essay on Negative Impact Of Social Media On Students

100 Words Essay on Negative Impact Of Social Media On Students

Less Face-to-Face Interaction

Unrealistic Expectations

Cyberbullying

Privacy Issues

Online Bullying

Privacy Risks

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Impact on Mental Health

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Social Media: Negative Impacts

6 Example Essays on Social Media | Advantages, Effects, and Outlines

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6 Examples of Social Media Essays

The Impact of Social Media on Relationships and Communication

Positive Effects:

Negative Effects:

Conclusion:

The Role of Social Media in the Spread of Misinformation and Fake News

The Pervasiveness of Misinformation and Fake News on Social Media

The Influence of Social Media on Public Opinion

The Challenge of Correcting Misinformation and Fake News

The Effects of Social Media on Mental Health and Well-Being

Comparison and Low Self-Esteem

Cyberbullying and Online Harassment

Social Isolation

Addiction and Overuse

The Use of Social Media in Political Activism and Social Movements

Raising Awareness and Mobilizing Action

Connecting with like-minded individuals

Challenges and Limitations

The Potential Privacy Concerns Raised by Social Media Use and Data Collection Practices

Data Collection and Sharing

Lack of Control Over Personal Information

Personalized Marketing

Government Surveillance

The Ethical and Privacy Concerns Surrounding Social Media Use And Data Collection

Effect on Individual Privacy:

Responsibility of Social Media Companies:

Better Regulation Is Needed

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Pros & cons: impacts of social media on mental health

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Regions & Countries

64% of Americans say social media have a mostly negative effect on the way things are going in the U.S. today

Those who say social media have negative impact cite concerns about misinformation, hate, censorship; those who see positive impact cite being informed

Majorities in most countries surveyed say social media is good for democracy

Research Topics

Social Media and Interpersonal Relationships

Works Cited

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