political instability in pakistan essay outline

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The Impact of Political Instability on Pakistan’s Internal Security

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Troops have been deployed in cities to quell violent protests. Militant groups could target them.

Pakistani security officials close a road outside the former Prime Minister Imran Khan’s residence in Lahore, Pakistan, Thursday, May 18, 2023.

Terrorist groups are byproducts of conflicts and instability. They thrive in such conditions and exploit them to further their narratives, and draw recruits and funding. Terrorist groups also use anarchy as a cover to undermine the adversarial state’s writ and use it to carry out attacks, particularly in high-security zones. The greater the chaos, the more the chances for terrorist groups to flourish in a society.

Pakistan is no stranger to political instability and terrorism, but the current spate of political tensions pitting former Prime Minister Imran Khan, the country’s most popular political leader, against the army chief Gen. Asim Munir, the country’s most powerful man, is unprecedented. Presently, Pakistan is confronted with a three-fold reinforcing crisis of political instability, economic volatility, and resurging terrorism.

Khan’s dramatic arrest by the paramilitary Punjab Rangers on May 9 sparked protests and riots by his supporters. They targeted the Pakistan Army’s installations, symbols and check posts, pushing political tensions to a breaking point .

Against this backdrop, terrorist groups in Pakistan, particularly Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) and Baloch separatists, can be expected to exploit the current political tensions to motivate their fighters. The leadership of these groups will seek to signal to their rank-and-file that concerted militant campaigns can push them closer to their goals.

The Pakistani state’s highhandedness in dealing with the political opposition, and the Pakistan Democratic Movement (PDM) government’s inability to control skyrocketing prices of commodities and finalize a deal with the International Monetary Fund to stop the devaluation of the rupee, have eroded public confidence in the current dispensation. In a situation where the franchise and the right to peaceful protest, notwithstanding the violent riots after Khan’s arrest, are blocked, angry youth could resort to violence, particularly in peripheral conflict zones.

It is important to mention that despite the dissolution of the Punjab and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa assemblies in January , the PDM government has decided, despite the Supreme Court’s orders to the contrary, not to hold elections in the two provinces within the constitutionally mandated period of 90 days on account of security and lack of funds.

This atmosphere is tailor-made for terrorist groups to lure vulnerable youth to join their ranks and achieve forcefully what has been denied to them peacefully.

Following the Taliban’s takeover of Afghanistan in August 2021, the security situation in Pakistan was already volatile, resulting in a 52 percent increase in terrorism. In this situation, the PDM government’s decision to call the Pakistan Army under Article 245 of the Constitution to restore and maintain order in Punjab and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa provinces will not only expose troops to potential attacks in the main cities but also divert their attention from ongoing counterterrorism and counterinsurgency operations.

It bears mention that the police have been the main target of TTP’s attacks in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. Furthermore, the current political polarization in Pakistan will also undermine the security forces’ efforts to forge a national consensus in fighting terrorist groups and get political ownership of counterterrorism campaigns.

Hence, the statement from TTP’s influential commander Mufti Sarbakaf Mohmad, the so-called governor of the group’s Balochistan wilayat , is unsurprising because he held the military responsible for Pakistan’s current political ordeal. He congratulated the angry protesters for vandalizing and torching military installations across the country, particularly the attack on a senior military official’s residence in Lahore. Furthermore, he threw his weight behind protesters and extended his support for similar incidents in the future. He also urged TTP militants in Pakistan’s main cities to target military installations under the cover of protests.

Evidently, TTP through its propaganda is trying to exploit the state-society divisions to draw recruits and legitimacy for its violent campaign, and use the chaos as a shield to expand its network to Pakistan’s main cities. The longer the volatile situation prevails, the better it will be for TTP.

Alarmingly, during the current protests, Karachi police foiled a suicide attack targeting a Chinese-owned boatyard in the port city. Police guards stationed at a checkpoint outside the boatyard killed one militant wearing a suicide vest, while the other one fled. At the time of the attack, 31 Chinese nationals were inside the boatyard, repairing ships. Had the attackers managed to get inside the boatyard premises and detonated the vest, its security implications for the China Pakistan Economic Corridor would have been far-reaching.

Likewise, a little-known militant group, Tehreek-e-Jihad Pakistan, targeted a camp of the paramilitary Frontier Corps in Balochistan’s Qilla Saifullah district on May 12, resulting in a 24-hour standoff. The attack left two Pakistani soldiers dead and all seven attackers were eliminated during the clean-up operation.

Though a dramatic rise in terrorist attacks has not been witnessed during the ongoing military-Khan tensions in Pakistan, the intent of terrorist groups to exploit this situation is visible. The more the military resorts to political repression and other high-handed tactics, the more openings it will create for terrorist groups to exploit the anger of youth by urging them to take up arms to achieve their goals.

Furthermore, the heavy presence of troops on the streets of major cities will make them easy targets for terrorists. So, the stakeholders in Pakistan will have to come down from their high horses and revisit their current approach of quelling the political protests and dissent. The country needs a consensus among different state institutions and political actors over an election date, keeping in view the political, economic, and security challenges.

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Pakistan Political Stability

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Author Xenia Dormandy

Since March 2007, tensions in Pakistan have been rising: the political instability surrounding both the presidential and parliamentary elections is commingling with the increase in militant activity within Pakistan proper, which led to around 60 suicide attacks in Pakistan in 2007. Following Benazir Bhutto's assassination on December 27, the extremists have upped the ante, perhaps hoping to disrupt the February 18 elections. Is Pakistan becoming the world's "most dangerous nation"?

Since gaining independence in 1947, Pakistan has veered back and forth between democratically-elected and authoritarian military leaders, coupled with an unstable relationship with neighboring India and Bangladesh. From 1988 to 1999, following Zia ul Haq's death, democracy - albeit an unstable one - reigned; power alternated between Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif, with neither completing a full term as Prime Minister. Finally, in October 1999, a Chief of Army Staff, Pervez Musharraf, led a coup against Sharif and took over as President.

CURRENT SITUATION

Over the past eight years, President Musharraf has done many good things for Pakistan, most notably building a relatively stable and fast-growing economy (GDP growth in 2006 was 6.5%). However, he has made no effort to create independent institutions, improve the provision of education and other social services, or establish local governance systems and networks. The situation has worsened significantly over the past year: the judiciary is now thoroughly politicized, the media is restricted by a "code of conduct", and the interim government is biased. Meanwhile, Musharraf's approval ratings have almost halved from 51% in late 2006 to 28% in early January 2008. Musharraf continues to prioritize his own political survival; however, he is no longer trusted by either the Pakistani people or the international community, leaving him in an untenable situation.

The recent deterioration of Pakistan's political situation has been driven by the following events:

• In March 2007, Musharraf suspended Chief Justice Iftikhar Mohammed Chaudhry for misconduct, triggering a public outcry. Four months later, Chaudhry was reinstated in a ruling by his own Supreme Court; however, the incident sparked an enormous grassroots movement for change.
• In July, security forces raided Islamabad's Red Mosque, a center for radical and militant thought, killing cleric Abdul Rashid Ghazi and an undetermined number of followers (estimates range from around 100 to over 1000). Consequently, Musharraf lost the support of the mullahs, who wield enormous social and moral power in Pakistan.
• On October 6, Musharraf was overwhelmingly reelected President while still acting as Chief of Army Staff. The majority of opposition delegates boycotted the election, and the Supreme Court began assessing the legitimacy of the results.
• On November 3, Musharraf declared a state of emergency and dismissed Chaudhry once again, staffing the caretaker government and judiciary with loyal supporters. As a result, his already-wavering public support plummeted.
• In late November, Musharraf removed his uniform, appointing General Kiyani as the new Chief of Army Staff, and a day later was inaugurated in a new term as president.
• On December 27, nearly two weeks after Musharraf ended emergency rule, Benazir Bhutto was assassinated at a campaign rally. Her 19-year-old son, Bilawal Bhutto Zardari, and her husband, Asif Zardari, were appointed in her stead. In light of the violence that ensued, the parliamentary elections were pushed back to February 18.
• In January 2008, there were at least four major suicide attacks within Pakistan proper; more have followed. Violence and military activity in the tribal areas has risen significantly.

The lack of predictability and transparency through both the presidential and parliamentary elections has amplified the confusion, the instability, and Musharraf's loss of credibility. Recently, these political fights have been compounded by a concurrent rise in militancy, which has fed into the ongoing sectarian violence throughout Pakistan and the fight for more autonomy in Baluchistan. Security in Pakistan is fading; this fact was made clear in January when refugees flooded into Afghanistan from Pakistan, the former being perceived as providing a safer environment.

Short Term: Tensions will remain on the boil at least until the parliamentary elections scheduled for February 18 take place. The militant attacks are not diminishing, and the electoral race continues, complicated by the additional confusion surrounding the new and multi-headed leadership of the PPP. Three scenarios for Pakistan's immediate future are feasible:

• Given the continued violence and particularly if it seems likely that his party will lose badly in the parliamentary elections, it is still possible that President Musharraf could cancel the elections altogether and call a state of emergency. However, it is unlikely that the public would allow Musharraf to maintain this situation for long; ultimately, he would be removed from office, either by the military or by the people.
• The elections could be won by the PPP, either by earning a majority or building a coalition with Sharif's PML-N or Musharraf's PML-Q. If the former coalition is created, then Musharraf will likely be ousted from power and prosecuted for his recent actions. Polls conducted in November 2007 found that if a legitimate election were held, the PPP would win by a slight margin. In early February 2008, polls predicted that the PPP had gained additional sympathetic support after Bhutto's assassination, further increasing their vote bloc.
• Given polling data, it is clear that if Musharraf's party, the PML-Q, wins the parliamentary elections, it will be an illegitimate win. Under these circumstances, there will be a massive popular backlash and he will be ousted.

Regardless of who wins, all of the leading candidates will likely pursue similar policies to Musharraf, with differing levels of competence. Stability will be maintained by the military, particularly given the continuity that General Kiyani brings to the leadership. Any of the candidates for Prime Minister will face the same challenges; variance in their performance will be in the margins, with Sharif likely engaging more with the mullahs and the PPP following a more socialist economic policy.

Long Term: Perhaps the more important factor than the winner is the process followed, and whether the people feel their voices are being heard and their participation encouraged. Pakistan is at a crossroads. It could either follow a slow descent into further authoritarianism and increased militancy and extremism that will be clearly detrimental to Pakistan today and could in 5 to 7 years also become a danger to the rest of the world. Alternatively, it could pursue a slow ascent towards a more stable democratic system with established independent institutions, growing economy, and a nation representative of a moderate Muslim democracy. The people's continued participation will raise the probability of the latter path being taken and so, above all else, it is important that this is encouraged. However, either path is a gradual one, and as such requires patience and a long-term perspective from both Pakistanis and the international community.

RECOMMENDATIONS

The United States needs to pursue the following policy priorities and guidelines:

• Pursue a long-term strategy rather than a short-term one.
• Build trust between the U.S. and Pakistan and its people: Given perceived past fickleness and hypocrisy over promoting democratic sentiments but supporting authoritarian leaders (specifically Musharraf), the Pakistani people do not trust the U.S. Without this, the will to pursue joint interests vigorously will be limited.
• Support democratic processes and stability first and foremost: This means also supporting Pakistan's current focus on the Pakistani Taliban rather than on al-Qaida as being the greater direct threat to Pakistan in the immediate term.
• Prevent Pakistan from becoming the next epicenter of terrorism: This entails continuing to support Pakistan's military efforts at destroying the terrorist threat, as well as engaging hearts and minds, bringing the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) into Pakistan proper.

Given these priorities, the United States should alter current policy by:

• Explicitly stating its support for free and fair elections and, more pertinently, support for the legitimate winner of these elections (discarding the current U.S. ambiguity of supporting both credible elections and President Musharraf in particular);
• Reallocating a greater proportion of current U.S. military assistance to training Pakistan's military in counter-insurgency in Pakistan in the short-term and in the United States in the long-term.
• Transferring around 15% of current military assistance to social and economic assistance specifically to democracy building efforts, supporting independent institutions and grass-roots political organizing.
• Monitoring the current U.S. spending to the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) and increase as capacity allows.

Dormandy, Xenia. “Pakistan Political Stability.” February 11, 2008

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An Economic Impact of Political Instability: An Evidence from Pakistan

Article history Received: April 04, 2021 Revised: April 22, 2021 Accepted: April 26, 2021 The economy of Pakistan has been badly damaged by the political instability in the country. Despite its enormous economic resources, Pakistan’s economy remained under dark shadows during most of its historical discourse. The economic indicators describe a significant relationship between politics and the economy of Pakistan. The following study, by reviewing previous studies, concludes that there is a negative relationship between political instability and economic growth in Pakistan from 2000 to 2019. Political instability flourished corruption and reduced the economic growth of the country. Moreover, a weak political system and government institutions could not resist the political tension in the country. The study finally concludes that political instability reduces economic growth in the country and economic growth reinforces political stability in the country.

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Procedia - Social and Behavioral Sciences

Shujahat Hashmi

In case of Pakistan, only economic variables are observed as causes to high economic volatility while political variables are completely ignored. Although, it is apparent that the development pattern in Pakistan is highly volatile during the years of political instability that spans almost over the half history of the country. By taking the sample of 1971 to 2008 and using simple OLS technique, we observe how far political instability hampers the economic development of Pakistan. For the political instability measurement, ignoring all traditional measures of political instability, we construct political instability index by using seven different variables for Pakistan by employing Principal Component Technique; while for economic development measurement frequently economic development variables are used. Through analysis, the negative relationship is found between political instability and economic development in Pakistan.

The purpose of this paper is to empirically determine the effects of political instability in Pakistan within compared with India and China. We discussed GDP per capita and their impact on economic growth. By using the standard deviation and co- variance on a sample of 3 countries, and 5-year periods from 1988 to 2014, this study demonstrates that a significant negative relationship exists between political instability and economic growth we find that higher degrees of political instability are associated with lower growth rates of GDP Per capita. While democracy may have a small negative effect.

Prof.Dr.Abdul Ghafoor Awan

The objective of this paper was to investigate the relationship between economic growth and political instability. For this purpose, we selected three variables such as political instability, inflation rate and public debt to measure their impact on Gross Domestic Product (GDP). We used panel data and analyzed it through SPSS software to draw the results. We applied Multiple Regression, ANOVA and Correlation techniques for analysis of data. Our results show that there is a negative correlation between public debt and economic growth. Similarly, there is also a negative correlation between public debt and political instability. Our study suggests that Pakistan must reduce level of public debt and political instability and inflation in order to achieve high level of economic growth.

The political instability is condition for the nation building and nation building is process compulsory for the development of a nation. In most of developing countries the governments are not stable. A new government comes into the power overnight; either through coup data or army takes over. The new government introduces a new system of rules for the operation of business which cause frustration and anger among the people. Political instability now becomes a serious problem especially in developing countries. It is creating enormous difficulties and delaying the development of these countries. Political stability plays an important role in keeping society united and in maintaining legitimacy within the state. It is an essential for the economic development, social integration, and supremacy of law in a state. The stability of political system has direct effects on the procedures of nation and state building. These both require stable political systems for their growth and successful. The development of nation and state without firm and organized system of politics is not possible. So Political instability can be defined at least three ways, first approach is as, the propensity for regime or government change, second is to focus on the incidence of political disorder or violence in a society, such as killings, third approach focuses on economic growth affect by instability. PAKISTAN has spent 34 out of its 68 years, or half its life, in internal political instability as regime instability, political emergencies and constitutional deadlocks. Long-term instability in Pakistan has been significantly higher than in East Asia and post-Partition India. Lack of mature leadership, confrontation between the main organs of the state, poor relations between the center and the provinces, extensive corruption, distrust among the politicians, strong bureaucracy and crisis of governance are the immediate threats to democracy in Pakistan The political instability is directly affected economic growth. How does it affect economic growth and why this is important in developing countries like Pakistan is discussed in brief below? When there is lack of political instability in the county, it directly effects the economic growth. It closes off sources of internal and external investments. The eternal investors does not invest in the countries where there is civil war coups, army take over etc. is either small or zero. The lack of interest by the foreign investors for foreign direct investment, and giving Pakistan access to the productive markets are making economy low and more likely to rely on foreign aid. The improper use of aid on the huge disasters like earth quake in 2005 and on the wake of flood in 2010 has lost the trust of donors to support Pakistan sufficiently even in most difficult times. So that investment remains shy the Growth will remain the dream which leads the high unemployment and poverty. Political instability also limits internal investment. The wealthy classes in under developed countries have enough income to replacement. They can invest their saving in profitable projects. Generally they avoid investing

Journal of Research in Administrative Sciences

Ijaz Bokhari

IJMSBR Open Access Journal

This study analyzed the impact of political instability on financial development of Pakistan. OLS regression is used for the estimation of data. Time series data is used for the study. 40 years are included in the time series from 1972 to 2011. The variable of interest is political instability controlling the effects of trade openness, legal protection and GDP/capita. The regression results showed that political instability has negative significant impact on financial development of Pakistan. Trade openness is positive but insignificant with financial development. Legal protection and GDP/capita showed positive and significant impact on the financial development of Pakistan.

Dr. G H U L A M MUSTAFA , MUSHARAF RUBAB

The purpose of the study is to determine the impact of political instability on economic growth. For this purpose, we measured political instability by means of three proxies: terrorism, govt. type and election year whereas economic growth is determined with GDP annual growth rate. We used data from 1988 to 2016 and applied ARCH model as our dependent variable (economic growth) is subject to heteroscedasticy and ARCH effect. The results showed that political instability measured with terrorism and election year has negative effect on economic growth. However, govt. type is also found to be negative though insignificant. The study adds to the literature of Pakistan and is helpful for policymakers and investors

Journal of Accounting and Finance in Emerging Economies

Ghulam Muhammad Mangnejo

This research paper empirically investigates the outcome of Political stability on economic growth (EG) of Pakistan for the period of 1988 to 2018. Political stability (PS), gross fixed capital formation (GFCF), total labor force (TLF) and Inflation (INF) are important explanatory variables. Whereas for model selection GDPr is used as the dependent variable. To check the stationary of time series data Augmented Dickey Fuller (ADF) unit root (UR) test has been used, and whereas to find out the long run relationship among variables, OLS method has been used. The analysis the impact of PS on EG (EG) in the short run, VAR model has been used. The outcomes show that all the variables (PS, GFCF, TLF and INF) have a significantly positive effect on the EG of Pakistan in the long run period. But the effect of PS on GDP is smaller. Further, in this research we are trying to see the short run relationship between GDP and other explanatory variables. The outcomes show that PS does not have su...

Ali Abbas. PhD , Muhammad Sultan

The purpose of this research piece is to examine the chances and problems that Pakistan's economy has encountered in light of the country's rising political unrest. It studies the effects of political unpredictability on economic growth and development and analyses Pakistan's methods and policies for achieving economic recovery in the face of such difficult conditions. The article uses a variety of academic research and case studies to provide light on the wellknown instance of Pakistan's economic recovery in the face of political unrest. Pakistan, a nation that has gone through political unrest in the past, is today juggling the task of economic recovery with escalating political unrest. This study offers a thorough examination of the complex interplay between political unrest and growth in the economy of Pakistan, putting it forward as a traditional case study. This paper examines the complex dynamics and inter-dependencies between political instability and economic recovery by drawing on a theoretical framework that includes the concepts of political economy, institutional theory, and dependency theory. This study provides a comprehensive analysis of the complex dynamics between political unrest and economic recovery in Pakistan. By understanding these interdependencies, policymakers can formulate targeted strategies to navigate challenges and foster long-term economic stability and development.

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Pakistan’s political and constitutional crisis

Subscribe to the center for middle east policy newsletter, madiha afzal , madiha afzal fellow - foreign policy , center for middle east policy , strobe talbott center for security, strategy, and technology , center for asia policy studies fahd husain , and fahd husain columnist and political commentator - dawn michael e. o’hanlon michael e. o’hanlon director of research - foreign policy , director - strobe talbott center for security, strategy, and technology , co-director - africa security initiative , senior fellow - foreign policy , strobe talbott center for security, strategy, and technology , philip h. knight chair in defense and strategy.

April 8, 2022

On April 8, Brookings Fellow Madiha Afzal and Fahd Husain, columnist and political commentator for Pakistan’s Dawn newspaper, discussed the implications and future of Pakistan’s government following the Supreme Court decision to allow a vote of no confidence to proceed against Prime Minister Imran Khan. The conversation was moderated by Brookings Senior Fellow Michael O’Hanlon.

I think there still is a lot of work to be done in order to solidify Pakistan’s democracy. But at this moment one can say yes, the constitution has been prevailing in its letter. Pakistan’s civilian governments always spend their time in power with this threat of political instability, with the opposition being out to oust them… they spend their time in power … putting out political fires, if you will, rather than engaging in governance … reform and meaningful institutional change that the country so desperately needs.

Yesterday was a very a big and a very significant day in terms of the Supreme Court judgment because before that, frankly, there was a fall of depression because of the blatant way that the government of Prime Minister Imran Khan violated the constitution. It was seen as a brazen attempt to bypass the basic requirements of the constitution… The last couple of days there was a lot of confusion, ambiguity, and fear that we [Pakistan] were sliding into a very dangerous fail in our politics. But yesterday’s decision not only turned this confusion into clarity, but it also made it clear that any deviation from the constitution was not permitted.

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Political Instability : A case study of Pakistan

• A. Memon , K. S. Memon , +1 author F. Memon
• Published 2011
• Political Science

27 Citations

Socio-political factors of political instability in pakistan: an analysis of structure, processes and institutions- a case study of general pervez musharraf era (1999- 2008), the impact of political instability on the economy of pakistan during general pervez musharaf's regime, review of political instability and its impact on economic growth of pakistan, factors influencing the political stability in somalia, historical review of political instability and economic growth of pakistan, impact of the political instability on the small scale industrial sector of jammu and kashmir with special reference to district pulwama and anantnag, political interference and bureaucratic performance in pakistan: a perspective of civil servants, link between political and economic stability: a case study of pakistan, pakistan civil-military relations in the context of external politics, democracy and federalism in pakistan: an analysis of ppp government (2008-2013), 8 references, political order in changing societies, crises and sequences in political development, legitimacy and consensus, ieee international conference on bioinformatics and biomedicine analysis of multiplex gene expression maps obtained by voxelation, the politics of modernization, pakistan's political culture: essays in historical and social origins, related papers.

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Political Instability In Pakistan: Challenges and Remedies

• Muhammad Imran Assistant Professor, College of Law, Government College University Faisalabad, Pakistan. Author
• Ghulam Murtiza Associate Professor / Chairperson, College of Law, Government College University Faisalabad, Pakistan. Author
• Muhammad Sulyman Akbar Lecturer, College of Law,Government College University Faisalabad, Pakistan. Author

Political instability has become a significant worldwide threat in recent years, especially in the world's poorest and most unstable countries. This is a major problem that is stunting the development of these countries. Politics must be kept stable if society remains united and the government retains its legitimacy. It is necessary for a country's economy to thrive, society to come together, and rule of law to be upheld. The political system's stability has a direct impact on the nation and state-building processes. Political stability is essential for both of them to develop successfully. Political stability is crucial to the efficient running of government. Foreign diplomacy and international trade are both hampered by political instability because investors are reluctant to risk their money in countries with uncertain leadership. As a result of breakdown in law and order and rise in illicit activity, the public becomes increasingly worried and insecure when there is political insecurity in a country. Only political maturity and stability will be able to handle these challenges in the nation's best interests. 

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The PTI is exploiting a lunch to fundamentalism

The Pakistani Political system has always protected the interests of elites. Although political leadership has been the representative authority, they failed to raise hope for a democratic state that would provide socio-economic justice to all Pakistani citizens. The political leadership failed to create harmony on the national language, the role of Islam, provincial representation and the division of powers between the centre and the provinces, delayed the constitution and postponed general elections.

In October 1956, Pakistan came out from its infancy, a consensus was build and the first constitution of Pakistan came into force. The experience of democratic government was short but not sweet. In October 1958, Gen Muhammad Ayub Khan easily staged a military coup.  The political paradigm shifted during the 1960s and 1970s, where class (revolutionary) politics was replaced by authoritarianism as a result of the influx of capital and urbanization.  Industrial workers, student unions and middle-class socialist ideology emerged here.

Class politics, however, was short-lived when it was replaced by Antonio Gramsci’s commonsense politics in the 1980s. In which the lower classes of the society are also stakeholders. To counter the industrial class struggle of the 1960s, Zia furnished Pakistan with political-religious parties and a place in politics through the street mosque culture within the power structure.

For four decades after Zia, the Pakistani political scene was a hybrid of PML(N) and PPP patronage and intellectual politics. Once again, the landscape of Pakistan’s politics has changed when the poor and the educated are uneducated, devoid of critical thinking skills, and who are influenced by anti-American and anti-establishment rhetoric. Anti-establishment and anti-American sloganeering has breathed new life into Khan’s April 2022 lows towards the end of his nearly four-year rule.

More than the dismissal of the PTI, there is public resentment over the return of the previous government, which was accused of corruption and nepotism. This resentment towards the PDM has been well cashed in by the PTI leadership even though it has little knowledge of its linkages with the geopolitical, geostrategic and geo-economic realities of the contemporary international system. The PTI leadership dreams of a utopian world which is far from reality. This is a dream that has been shown to the people of Pakistan.

At present, PTI chief Imran Khan’s popularity chart is skyrocketing due to the PTI’s constant tussle with state institutions, including the establishment, but the leadership strategy poses huge challenges in the field of foreign policy and security.  People have hopes and are calling the Azadi March a turning point for Pakistan. Even the blind can see the political engineering to bring PTI to power in 2018 as it is the history of democratic regimes in Pakistan.

Pakistan can emerge as a strong state and nation only when the socio-cultural trends of intolerance, exclusivity, nepotism, extremist ideologies and violence that have warped the national fabric, are transformed as a nation. And the political nursery of inclusiveness, tolerance, enlightenment, and coexistence in state building should foster critical thinking skills, inclusiveness, and respect for opposing ideologies in future generations of Pakistan.

Always the game of political engineering had been organized by the establishment. Now Imran Khan was the beneficiary of this play and got the title ladla (pampered favourite). The PTI government has enjoyed unprecedented support from the establishment during its more than three and a half years in power. The PTI’s staunch supporters are also frustrated by the party’s poor performance, ambiguity and delays in government affairs. The PTI’s popularity chart fell due to an unsatisfactory government but the PDM came back to rescue it.

The Pakistani political structure is moving away from the politics of clientelism towards the politics of fundamentalism, and fundamentalism means instability. Here, inciting the youth and people against the institutions of the state, institutional heads and the centre of power of the country can have disastrous effects. This is Pakistan’s political history; the political leadership’s frequent attacks on state institutions, especially on the establishment, when they are away from the government. Opposition parties call them to rescue from the governmental brutal actions and illegal political cases.

When we look back and open the archives of history, the transition from democracy to dictatorship in Germany took place in the context of political instability and economic depression, where people saw in Adolf Hitler the charismatic figure of their messiah and saviour.

Here we are reminded of another important factor in state affairs, namely the mentality of the leadership. The mental change of the leaders is the main driving force of the party which determines the course of the state. Populism or populist leadership is a controversial concept with no clear definition. According to Robert R. Barr, some leaders take advantage of political instability through anti-establishment rhetoric. Margaret Canovan another scholar of politics argues that the central message of populism is that power rests with corrupt politicians and unrepresentative elites to the exclusion of the people.

Weberian analytical tools should be applied to study leadership and its style. In a Weberian context, a populist leader appeals to the public through his anti-establishment rhetoric, also known as “grievance politics,” where the spread of misinformation promotes quick solutions to problems, but exploits and resentments are obstacles in his way.

Max Weber focuses on charismatic leaders and their radical mentality, their narcissism, nepotism, demagoguery, and unpredictability. According to him, all these aspects of the leader strengthen the movement and however weaken its organizational effectiveness.

Populist leaders are charismatic, they make the most promises, use effective propaganda methods, and thus subvert the established political system, but most importantly, they deliver on their promises. Rarely do because their actions go against development, political and economic. Such leaders and movements not only weaken the political system of the state but also destroy other institutions of the state and the rule of law.

Bhutto’s inclination towards class politics along with his open opposition to Ayub Khan soon made him immensely popular with the masses. With an absolutist mentality he also desired absolute power; an absolutist mentality is a problem. Bhutto had become a dictator in the country with his power-hungry mind. The quest for absolute power led him to an uncompromising situation with a power-sharing crisis that directed to a war of independence in the Eastern Wing.

The PTI’s philosophy of absolute power has hurt Pakistan on the foreign policy front where our Arab allies were angered when Turkish President Recep Erdogan tried to hold an Islamic summit in Malaysia, while our close neighbor Iran was angered when Pakistan participated in a joint military exercise with Turkey in Azerbaijan. In addition, the PTI’s poor performance during his tenure, he has several excuses including the lack of a two-thirds majority. Now the PDM government which was considered most experienced has taken Pakistan at the point of devastation. Its experience, efficiency and administration have been exposed.

All the political parties are dictators in their political rooms now they have joined hands to protect themselves from the case of corruption. These political parties devoid of democracy always came to power for personal interests.

History is witness that totalitarian power not only leads to corruption but also to destruction, Adolf Hitler changed Germany from a democratic system to a dictatorship and then plunged Germany into a bloody war with disastrous results. Bhutto’s hunger for absolute power resulted in the disintegration of Pakistan. Now PTI’s turn to fundamentalist politics is based on direct confrontation with state institutions, including defamation campaigns against high officials and heads of institutions. The PTI young tigers being trained will trouble Pakistani society in the years to come. Our political leaders have a huge responsibility to build the political nursery of the state where they should nurture its political system on politics of reason instead of hatred, vandalism and fundamentalism. Radicalization of an already radicalized youth will permanently tear the fabric of our society.

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Pakistan’s political crisis, briefly explained

An end to Pakistan’s constitutional crisis. But a political crisis endures.

by Jonathan Guyer

Editor’s note, April 10: Sunday, Imran Khan received a vote of no confidence from the Pakistani parliament, losing his position as prime minister. A vote on a new prime minister is expected as soon as Monday.

One of Pakistan’s twin crises was resolved this week. The other one, not so much.

On Thursday, the country’s supreme court delivered a historic ruling that resolved a constitutional crisis that took shape last week. The court rebuked Prime Minister Imran Khan, a self-fashioned populist leader and former cricket star who is more celebrity than statesman. Khan, the court ruled, had acted unconstitutionally when he dissolved Pakistan’s Parliament last week in order to avoid losing power through a no-confidence vote.

It was a surprising and reassuring decision, experts in the country’s politics said, given the supreme court’s checkered record as a sometime political ally of Khan. On Thursday, the court sided with the rule of law.

But the underlying political crisis that led to the court’s landmark order endures.

Khan outlandishly blamed the opposition parties’ efforts to oust him on a US-driven foreign conspiracy. Now, the Parliament has been restored and will continue with its no-confidence vote against Khan’s premiership Saturday, likely leading to his ouster and extraordinary elections later this year. Khan, for his part, said that he would “ fight ” back.

The broader political crisis, however, can be traced to the 2018 election that brought Khan to power. Traditionally, the military is the most significant institution in Pakistan, and it has often intervened to overthrow elected leaders that got in its way. Khan’s rise is inextricable from military influence over politics , and the incumbent prime minister accused the military of a soft coup for manipulating the election in Khan’s favor.

It was a “very controversial election,” says Asfandyar Mir, a researcher at the United States Institute of Peace. “There was a major question over the legitimacy of that electoral exercise and the government that Khan formed could just never escape the shadow of the controversy surrounding that election,” Mir explained.

More recently, the relationship between the military and Khan has worsened, and that gave the political opposition an opening to act against him. Though it’s not known what role the military played in the supreme court’s ruling, experts note that the harshness of the court’s order suggests the military’s buy-in. “This is part of a larger history of instability in Pakistan in which prime ministers are ousted from power, because they lose the support of Pakistan’s military,” Madiha Afzal, foreign policy fellow at the Brookings Institution, told Vox.

But “even if the court was influenced by the military, it took the right decision,” she says.

Khan’s position weakened domestically

The political and economic situation set the stage for a challenge to Khan.

After running on a campaign that promised less corruption and more economic opportunity for the poor, Khan has failed to deliver. Inflation is climbing , unemployment is soaring , and a billion-dollar program from the International Monetary Fund has not helped stabilize matters. An international investigation into offshore money from last year, known as the Pandora Papers , showed that Khan’s inner circle had moved money abroad to avoid taxes, in contradiction with Khan’s populist rhetoric.

Khan presided over an anti-corruption witch hunt targeting opposition parties. Indeed, the opposition parties, many of them composed of dynastic leadership and families with old money, are corrupt , and their attempt to oust Khan can be seen as a move to evade further scrutiny, Mir said.

Still, that anti-corruption effort brought the government bureaucracy to a halt. And it’s part of Khan’s broader strongman-style approach to governing that has been ineffective .

Since his start in politics, Khan has depended on the courts. Yasser Kureshi, a researcher in constitutional law at the University of Oxford, says Khan has built his political standing on backing the judiciary. “Imran Khan’s political platform has been built around an anti-corruption populism, where he charges the political class for being corrupt, and in the last 15 years the supreme court has been on a spree of jurisprudence targeting the political corruption of Pakistan’s traditional parties,” he explains. “Khan has been the biggest supporter of this jurisprudence as it has validated and legitimized his politics.”

Now, the court appears to have turned against him at a time when the military has also lost faith in Khan. “With Imran Khan, I think that the problem for him is that right now, he has no institutional solutions that he can really turn to,” says Kureshi.

Khan’s relationship with the US has also cooled

Pakistan is a nuclear-armed country with a population of 220 million; it has built the sixth-largest military in the world, and has clout as a leader in the Islamic world. A longtime participant in the US war on terrorism, Pakistan has also been a conflicted partner, criticized for at times abetting the Taliban .

Khan was elected in 2018, and Mir says that, two years in, the military’s relationship to him began to cool. Khan feuded with the army chief over foreign policy issues, and the military saw Khan’s poor governance as a liability. Last year, Khan’s delays in signing off on a new intelligence chief prompted speculation of more divides between the two.

President Joe Biden did not phone Khan in his initial days in office, though he did call the leader of India , Pakistan’s chief rival. “The Biden administration’s cold shoulder to Imran Khan rubbed him the wrong way,” said Afzal. “Pakistan has just fallen off a little bit of the radar in terms of high-level engagement.”

Khan’s public messaging as a strongman has partially been responsible for agitating the relationship with the US — and by extension, his relationship with the Pakistani military, which wants to be closer to the US.

Most recently, that chill was expressed by Khan’s decision to stay neutral in Russia’s war on Ukraine; Khan visited Moscow just in advance of Russia’s invasion.

And, now, he’s turned to accusations of conspiracy: that the opposition’s stand against him is manufactured by the US. The origins of Khan’s incendiary claims appear to be a diplomatic cable that Pakistan’s ambassador to Washington sent home last month after a meeting with senior State Department official Donald Lu. Whatever criticisms Lu may have conveyed about Pakistan’s foreign policy, Khan’s interpretation of the memo has clearly been blown out of proportion. “When it comes to those allegations, there is no truth to them,” State Department spokesperson Ned Price said last week.

It’s an open question whether his argument will resonate among a Pakistani populace who is suspicious of the United States. One group it’s likely not resonating with: Pakistan’s powerful military.

Khan is “critical of the United States to a point that makes the military uncomfortable,” said Shamila Chaudhary, an expert at the New America think tank. “The way he’s talking about the United States is preventing the US relationship with Pakistan from being repaired, and it needs to be repaired.”

Meanwhile, the Biden administration’s focus in Asia has been on great-power competition with China and two national security crises (the Afghanistan withdrawal and Russia’s Ukraine invasion). The sloppy withdrawal of US forces from Afghanistan furthered the disconnect between Washington and Islamabad, according to Chaudhary, and further upset Pakistan’s government.

Robin Raphel, a former ambassador who served as a senior South Asia official in the State Department from 1993 to 1997, described Biden’s outlook to Pakistan as a “non-approach approach.”

“I’m a diplomat, and, I believe you get more with honey than vinegar,” she said. “It would have been more than worth it for the president to take five minutes to call Imran Khan.”

The US did send its top State Department official for human rights, Uzra Zeya, to the Organization of Islamic Countries summit in Pakistan last month. Zeya also met with the country’s foreign minister and senior officials, as the two countries celebrated the 75th anniversary of diplomatic relations.

But there hasn’t been more than that in terms of a positive message for the US-Pakistan relationship in light of the recent political and constitutional crises in the country. Price’s recent comments on the situation were brief: “We support Pakistan’s constitutional process and the rule of law.”

What happens next

Once the Parliament completes its no-confidence vote, which may happen as soon as today, it will dissolve the government. The country’s electoral commission will then oversee a caretaker government that will likely be headed by the leader of the opposition, Shehbaz Sharif . (Sharif is the brother of Nawaz Sharif , a former prime minister himself, who is currently living in exile in the UK as he faces accusations of corruption.) And, in that forthcoming vote, Khan will most probably lose .

But even the specifics of those elections are contentious. Khan had asked the electoral commission to set a date within the next 90 days; opposition politicians told NPR that reforms are needed before the next vote, otherwise they say the military will “rig” the next elections.

Long-term, things are even less clear. Among civil society leaders in Pakistan, there is agreement that the supreme court’s ruling is good for constitutionalism. But it may also be a vehicle for further expansion of the judiciary’s ability to intervene in politics.

Kureshi, an expert on the courts of Pakistan and how they have increasingly become the arbiter of politics in the country, says the bigger takeaways won’t be fully understood until the court releases the full text of its ruling in the next month or so. That detailed order may set other legal precedents and even cast the opposition in a bad light.

After the immediate euphoria of keeping Khan’s audacious unconstitutional maneuver in check, that judgment may say a lot about how the court sees itself, especially its supervisory role over the parliament and prime minister.

“The elected institutions are deeply constrained by the tutelage of overly empowered unelected institutions, whether it is the military, historically, or the judiciary more recently,” said Kureshi. “Judgments like this give them an opportunity to further affirm and expand that role.”

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Political instability

Pakistan: Political Instability and Economic Growth

• Mehwish Hakeem Shahzad
• December 24, 2022
• CSS , CSS Essays , CSS Solved Essays , Current Affairs , PMS , PMS Essays , Socio-economic problems
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Can Political Instability and Economic Growth Not Move Together in Pakistan? | CSS Essays | PMS Essays | Essays by Sir Syed Kazim Ali | CSS Essays | PMS Essays | Essays by Sir Syed Kazim Ali

Mehwish Shahzad has attempted this essay on the given pattern, which Sir  Syed Kazim Ali  teaches his students, who have consistently been qualifying their CSS and PMS essays. The essay is uploaded to help other competitive aspirants learn and practice how to write a comprehensive outline; how to write bullets in an outline; how to write the introductory paragraph; how to connect sentences and paragraphs; how to write a topic sentence; how to put evidence within the paragraphs.

1- Introduction 2- Understanding the relationship between political instability and economic growth 3- Current situation of political instability in Pakistan and its impact on the economy 4- How are political instability and economic growth can never move together?

• ✓ Inconsistent Economic policies, every new government abandoning the previous government’s economic projects due to their narrow mindedness GDP rate of 6.8% in the era of Ayub’s regime due to consistency in the policies
• ✓ Increasing unemployment owing to a decline in developmental and economic projects, a significant setback to the human capital due to political turmoil Political instability, the third most significant obstacle in the way of development, Word bank report
• ✓ Skyrocketing inflation due to the mismanagement and short-term policies of the government, declining rupee value Double-digit inflation increased to 24.9%, PBS report
• ✓ The gradual decay of economic institutions in the hand of politicians impeding economic progress Tarbela Hydropower project investigation in the NAB for corruption of Rs. 753 Mn by WAPDA
• ✓ Interrupting GDP growth, business, and trade activities due to riots and strikes by the frustrating people, a result of the political fiasco Unrest events leading to a 1% reduction in GDP, Survey report

5- How to ensure political stability for economic progress?

Political level

• ✓ Proper charter of economy, a national document for the country’s salvation by the consensus of all the political parties
• ✓ Long-term vision by the top leadership to foster political and economic stability and to avoid frequent ousters 
• ✓ Encouraging public participation to hold politicians accountable for immature and self-interest policies

Economic level

• ✓ Broadening of the tax base with the help of political commitment, leading to political and economic prosperity
• ✓ Shifting from a geostrategic to the geo-economic hub, a welcome initiative for the country’s political and economic progress
• ✓ Implementing CPEC projects effectively to engender economic growth

6- Critical Analysis 7- Conclusion

The economy is a country’s backbone, helping it march towards unsurpassable social and political development. However, political instability serves as a bottleneck to a state’s socioeconomic and political lifelines. Unfortunately, Pakistan also stands among those states where political upheaval has led the economy towards shambles. The current political scenario is the nadir of the country’s economic history. Since it is a fact that both cannot go hand in hand; the existence of one is the death of the other. It is saddening that frequent ouster of government leads to inconsistent economic policies affecting the smooth functioning of the economy since its inception. Moreover, increasing unemployment, skyrocketing inflation, and declining FDI result from political chaos since investors never invest in an uncertain political environment. Riots and strikes further interrupt business activities affecting the GDP of the country. Political turmoil has paved its way in the roots of the economy, damaging the economic institutions of Pakistan. It shows that political stability and economic prosperity have a symbiotic relationship. Both can work only in the shadow of each other, benefitting from each other at every turn. Therefore, pragmatic measures at the political and economic levels can help the country cope with political instability. At the political level, introducing an ethical charter of the economy as a national document, coupled with long-term vision by the top leaders and public participation, is imperative. At the economic level, widening the tax base, shifting to a geo-economic pivot, and implementing CPEC can engender economic growth. In the contemporary world, Pakistan can only progress if the country pulls itself out of these political clinches. Thus, the essay comprehensively analyses how political instability and economic growth can never move together. Also, it highlights the way forward to ensure political stability for economic progress. 

Political instability is the propensity of a government to collapse either because of poor economic performance or rampant competition between various political parties. On the other hand, economic growth implies improvements in a country’s national income, leading to good economic conditions for the people. However, a country with a strong and stable political structure can experience steady economic growth. Indeed, a robust, safe environment where a political authority knows its duties and responsibilities eliminates the uncertainty of the economic future. In the same way, the economy in support of such a strong political environment will ensure steady growth. However, unstable structures in politics, of course, is the most critical factor affecting the economic stability of a state since political stability is the precondition to economic stability. Ray Jovanovich aptly said,  “Without political stability, there can be no economic prosperity; that’s the bottom line.”

At present, political instability has become a matter of grave sickness for Pakistan. Since the recent ouster of the prime minister through the vote of no confidence has led a country towards instability and chaos. It has pushed the country to the brink of an implosion. Political instability manifests itself in Pakistan, including blame games, institutional decay, rising inflation, economic woes, and a tussle between the judiciary and executive. It casts dire consequences on the people’s political and economic development and social life. As a result, Markets expected Pakistan to be another Sri Lanka in the making. Since Pakistan has faced an acute foreign currency shortage after political instability, things may lead to a similar crisis in Sri Lanka. It is high time Pakistan swallowed the bitter pill of hard political reforms before it is too late.

Here, it is important to discuss that political instability and economic growth can never move together. Nevertheless, its effects are too severe to be ignored. Some of them will be brought under discussion in this section. To begin with, political instability leads to the switching of economic policies. When it came to power, every new government introduced its own economic model, which created volatility and inconsistency in the smooth functioning of the economic policies. As a result, investors feel reluctant to invest in such a volatile economy, which ultimately affects a country’s economic progress.  It is evident that economic growth in military regimes was better than that of democratic regimes due to their long tenure. The GDP rate was 6.8% during Ayub’s regime since dictators had long terms leading to consistency in the economic policies.  Hence, political unrest can never let the economy function smoothly. 

Moreover, political instability reduces a country’s foreign direct investment (FDI). Since investors does not feel comfortable to invest in a country with political uncertainty.  According to the State Bank of Pakistan (SBP), due to the recent ouster of the national government, investors withdrew their investment of $30 Million in the account of FDI . Moreover, it has multiplier effects, such as low investment in a country leading to low development, increased unemployment, increased poverty, and reduced foreign exchange reserves. Hence, it is proven that political chaos in a country is a severe blow to an already fragile economy. 

Both of the above arguments lead to another significant discussion, which befalls Pakistan’s economy in the shape of unemployment. In a developing country like Pakistan, no new projects can be installed in a deteriorating political condition. Similarly, it does not create new jobs in a country since it halts the expansion of existing projects.  According to World Bank, political uncertainty is the third most significant obstacle to Pakistan’s economy . It can impact not only the productivity and expenditure of a country but also the national income of a country. Thus, it depicts clearly that political instability and economic growth cannot go hand in hand. 

With this puzzle, the issue of rising inflation during political chaos hits below the belt of Pakistan’s economy. When there is a high probability of being replaced, it becomes difficult to manage inflation. As a result, it depreciates the value of the domestic currency and, eventually, impacts the import and exports of a country.  According to the Pakistan Bureau of Statistics (PBS), the annual inflation rate increased to 24.9% in July 2022, soon after the regime change. It was even expected to grow, which has dire consequences for the economy.  Hence, frequent cabinet changes and political turmoil are directly correlated to a country’s economic woes. 

Along with the mismanagement of inflation, the economic institutions of a country are also decaying in the hands of corrupt politicians. The economic institutions, including WAPDA, finance, commerce, textile, and industry, are all decaying due to incompetence, corruption, and ineptness.  Recently, the WAPDA chairman appeared before the National Accountability Bureau’s (NAB) office where he was interrogated about corruption worth Rs753 million in the Tarbela Fourth Hydropower project.  They invest only half on the ongoing projects, and the remaining half is pocketed for their use. Hence, this poor management, corruption, and inability caused stagnation of the economic process to a devastating end.

Last but most certainly not least, the riots and strikes due to political fiasco led to the closure of business and trade activities, interrupting the GDP growth.  According to a survey title ‘The Economics of Social Unrest’, “on average, unrest events caused a 1% decline in the GDP.” For Pakistan, the long political unrest could cause a major dent in GDP growth.  Political instability is common, followed by riots and strikes by the people. As a result, it halted business and trade activities. And it generated a negative signal to the investors, who consequently stopped investing in such a risky environment and shifted their business to other countries, affecting the economic progress.  

Pakistan’s current federal and provincial governments need to go beyond firefighting and push forward essential reforms at the political and economic levels that are key to ensuring the country’s political and economic stability and long-term growth prospects.  First,  there must be a charter of the economy for economic stability. All stakeholders should be a part making of the alliance. In this regard, government and the opposition should collaborate to steer the country out of unprecedented political and economic uncertainties. The basic goals should be set in the charter of the economy. Those goals shall remain unchanged in the case of the new government.  Recently, trade unions and business leaders had a meeting with the government and political parties to insist the government for the making of the charter.  Hence, it depicts that they already realized this step’s importance.

Second, political parties should sit together and carve out a long-term vision to foster political and economic development. The leadership formulates and executes the strategy through which a leader’s vision translates into a reality.  For instance, Deng Xiaoping changed China through his visionary leadership. He changed all the policies of the previous communist leader Mao Zedong; he introduced many reforms and engagements with the international community. Within a decade, he uplifted China out of the socioeconomic crisis. As a result, the per capita income of the Chinese was 25-fold, and 700 million people lifted themselves out of poverty.  Hence, fine-tuning the policies is necessary for political and economic growth.

Third, public participation should be encouraged since it can pull the country out of the political darkness. The active role of the public in politics would hold politicians accountable. As a result, they never skip from the pro-state attitude; and they never make immature and self-interest policies.  As Abraham Lincoln aptly says, “we the people are the rightful masters of congress and the courts.”  Therefore, public participation is significant for a country’s lasting political and economic system. 

At the economic level, the government needs to broaden the tax base bringing every sector and every individual above the threshold level under the tax net. It will help the government to reduce the budget deficit by up to 3% of the GDP in the next three years. This step would relieve the government from the budget deficit issue, and they can fully focus on the other issues of the economy. R ecently, amid the global crisis, Jordon pushed the tax ratio to six per cent, Egypt by three per cent and the Philippines by two per cent.  Pakistan can also do the same with the help of strong political commitment and stringent reforms. 

Next, the strategic shift from geo-strategic to geo-economic is a welcome and sound initiative by the government to realize Pakistan’s real potential. However, the government should need to formulate a proper strategy to implement it. Since the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) will connect Asia with Africa and Europe, Pakistan has a crucial role to play in it due to its strategic location.  As Chinese president Xi Jinping aptly says, “the BRI may be China’s idea, but its opportunities are going to benefit the entire world.”  Therefore, this project should be of prime importance to Pakistan’s government. Currently, it is the only way in the hand of Pakistan to realize its investment potential and achieve economic growth.

Last but certainly not least, China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) is the harbinger of robust economic growth, and it is only possible through its proper implementation. Therefore, the government is required to fully focus on it and make sure that political upheaval would have no impact on it.  So far, it is estimated that USD 64 billion worth of foreign investment will arrive through China’s megaproject.  Therefore, it is high time for Pakistan to avail of this opportunity for investment to achieve economic progress. For this, Pakistan should build the trust of the industrialists and investors of this project and showcase itself as a safe haven for these investors. 

In a critical diagnosis, various elements in the country have remained responsible for the worsened political scenario of the country. First and foremost is the role of military leadership in interfering in the country’s political affairs. Initially, it was directly involved in politics through martial law, and recently, it stayed backstage but still manoeuvred with the system. The successive military coups have not led a genuinely representative political culture to develop in Pakistan, thus, impacting the political stability. Moreover, the power play between the opposition party and the government has primarily affected the country’s political system. the main objective to gain power has blinded them to the country’s national interest. Therefore, their strategies to weaken each other have negatively impacted the political stability in Pakistan, hindering economic growth.

In conclusion, it is no exaggeration to say that political instability and economic growth can never move together. However, Pakistan can move towards economic development by overcoming the challenge of political instability in valid letters and spirit. For that matter, the government needs to make a plan to overcome the issue of political unrest in a country, not only at the political and economic levels. A proper charter of the economy by the consensus of all the political parties is the need of an hour. Also, special attention needs to be given to public participation in political matters, and long-term vision by the political leadership can surely bring political and economic stability. However, some more needs to be done; Pakistan has great prowess to transform itself from a crisis-ridden state to a flourished economy if the CPEC and the new narrative of geo-economics are implemented in true essence since it has trickle-down effects. Similarly, other measures like widening the tax base and other political and economic measures are vital efforts to engender political and economic progress. Indeed, by taking suggested measures, political stability can be achieved, which eventually helps the country reach the economic progress milestone. 

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