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सनातन और हिन्दू धर्म में अंतर क्या है

हिन्दू धर्म और सनातन धर्म में क्या फर्क है? कुछ हज़ार साल पहले हिन्दू धर्म जैसी कोई चीज़ नहीं थी। हिन्दू इस धरती का नाम था, और सनातन धर्म यहां का धर्म। जानें सद्गुरु से...

सनातन धर्म

सनातन धर्म क्या है

सनातन धर्म कोई ऐसी प्रक्रिया नहीं है, जो आपको बताए कि आप इस पर विश्वास कीजिए, वर्ना आप मर जाएंगे। यह इस तरह की संस्कृति नहीं है। यह आपको कुछ ऐसा बताता है, जो आपके मन में सवाल उठाए, ऐसे सवाल जिनके बारे में शायद आपने कभी कल्पना भी नहीं की हो।

सिर्फ भारत ही नहीं, बल्कि भारत से बाहर भी बहुत सारे लोगों में कुछ चीजों को स्थापित करने की बेचैनी धीरे-धीरे घर करती जा रही है। दूसरे धर्मों के आगे निकल जाने की भावना पैदा हो रही है। इस कोशिश में वह पूरे शाश्वत व सनातन ज्ञान को महज एक पवित्र किताब या ग्रंथ तक सीमित करने की कोशिश कर रहे हैं और अपेक्षा कर रहे हैं कि सभी इसका अनुसरण करें। यह कभी हमारा तरीका रहा ही नहीं है। लोग आज यह बताने की कोशिश कर रहे हैं कि हरेक व्यक्ति को गीता का अनुसरण करना चाहिए। जबकि ऐसा नहीं है। अर्जुन ने खुद गीता के उपदेश के दौरान लाखों सवाल किए। अगर आप बस सीधे-सीधे गीता का अनुसरण करेंगे, तो गीता के उपदेश का बुनियादी मकसद ही खो जाएगा।

हमारा बुनियादी मकसद अपने तरीकों को दूसरों पर थोपने की बजाय दुनिया में हरेक इंसान के भीतर खोजने का भाव लाने का होना चाहिए। वैसे भी कोई ‘हमारा तरीका’ नहीं है। हमें किसी खास तरीके या रास्ते की जरूरत ही नहीं है। हमने यह खोजा है और पाया है कि अगर अपने जीवन को इस तरह से संचालित करें तो हमेशा एक बेहतर परिणाम मिलेगा - व्यक्ति के लिए भी और एक बड़े स्तर पर समाज के लिए भी। लेकिन फिर भी हम यह नहीं कह रहे हैं कि ‘बस यही तरीका’ है। इस पर रोज सवाल उठाए जा सकते हैं - लाखों सवाल पूछे जा सकते हैं। अगर आप सवालों से डरते हैं तो इसका मतलब है कि आपका तरीका, आपका विश्वास एक बेहद कच्ची जमीन पर खड़ा है, जो मेरे दो-चार सवाल पूछते ही भरभरा कर गिर पड़ेगा। अगर आप सच्चाई पर खड़े हैं तो मैं आपसे लाखों सवाल भी पूछ लूं तो दिक्क्त क्या है? सवालों से दिक्कत तभी है, जब आप झूठ पर खड़े होते हैं। कभी कोई सवाल गलत नहीं होता, हां जवाब गलत हो सकते हैं।

तो सनातन धर्म का मकसद लोगों में जिज्ञासा की गहन भावना को जगाना होना चाहिए - अपने विचार थोपने का नहीं, क्योंकि यह तरीका काम भी नहीं करेगा। अगर कोई भयानक युद्ध या कोई ऐसी भयानक दुर्घटना ना हो जाए जो इस धरती पर मानव-जीवन की नींव ही हिला दे, तो आप देखेंगे अगले पचास सालों में ‘योग’ किसी भी धर्म से ज्यादा प्रभावशाली होगा। जब हम ‘योग’ की बात करते हैं तो हमारा मतलब उन अभ्यासों से है, जिनकी ओर सनातन धर्म के सिद्धांत इशारा करते हैं।

मानवता के इतिहास में पहली बार मावन-बुद्धि इतनी विकसित और पुष्पित-पल्लवित हो रही है। इससे पहले ऐसा कभी नहीं हुआ। सदियों से ऐसा होता आया है कि पूरे गांव में एकाध इंसान ऐसा होता था, जो सबकी तरफ से सोचता था। अब वो समय चला गया।

जो सिद्धांत आपकी समस्याओं का समाधान स्वर्ग में दिलाने की बात करेंगे, वो काम नहीं करेंगे। दर्शन की ऐसी तमाम व्याख्याएं, जो तर्कों की कसौटी पर नहीं टिकेंगी, उनके कोई मायने नहीं होंगे। लोगों को हर समस्या का व्यावहारिक समाधान चाहिए। आप देखेंगे कि आने वाले पचास सालों में सिर्फ वही सिद्धांत, वही तरीका काम करेगा, जिसके पीछे कोई सार्थक कारण हो और जो ऐसा व्यावहारिक समाधान पेश कर सके जिसे आप अपनी जिंदगी में लागू कर सकते हों। दूसरी तरफ ऐसे समाधान जिसे अमल में न लाया जा सके, जिसे आपने देखा ही न हो, धीरे-धीरे मानव-जाति के लिए कम महत्वपूर्ण होते जाएंगे। यह तो केवल तभी संभव था जब इंसान की पहुंच अपने आसपास की घटनाओं तक या तो स्वाभाविक तौर पर अथवा जानबूझ कर, बेहद सीमित थी।

सनातन धर्म को आगे लाने का यह सबसे उपयुक्त समय है। साथ ही यह ध्यान में रखना भी बेहद महत्वपूर्ण है कि इसे हिन्दू धर्म के तौर पर प्रचारित न किया जाए, क्योंकि यह हिंदू धर्म है ही नहीं। हिंदुत्व का विचार ही अपने आप में एक विदेशी अवधारणा है, जो इस देश में कभी मौजूद ही नहीं थी। हिंदू शब्द इसकी भौगोलिक पहचान के चलते सामने आया। जो भूमि हिमालय और हिंद महासागर के बीच में पड़ती थी, उसे हिन्दू कहा गया। मेरी इस बात की वजह से भारत में काफी विवाद खड़ा हो रहा है, खासकर भारत का राष्ट्रीय मीडिया इसे काफी उठा रहा है, कि मैं कहता हूं कि भारत में पैदा हुआ एक केंचुआ भी हिन्दू केंचुआ है। इस पर वे चैंकते हुए अपनी प्रतिक्रिया व्यक्त करते हैं। मैं कहता हूं, अगर आप अफ्रीका में पैदा हुए एक हाथी को अफ्रीकन हाथी कह सकते हैं तो फिर हिंदुस्तान में पैदा हुए एक केंचुए को एक हिन्दू केंचुआ कहने में समस्या क्या है? इसी तरह से यहां पैदा हुआ एक टिड्डा भी हिंदू है और इसी आधार पर आप भी हिंदू माने जाएंगे। इसी तरह जो इस धरती पर पैदा हुए वे हिन्दू कहलाये।

हमने अपनी पहचान इस धरती के भौगौलिक गुणों के साथ जोड़ ली। हमें अपनी समझ व बुद्धि से खोज करने और अपनी आध्यात्मिक प्रक्रिया खुद तैयार करने की आजादी छह से आठ हजार सालों तक मिली। यहां बिना किसी दूसरों के हस्तक्षेप या बिना दूसरों के आक्रमण के हम अपना संगीत, अपना गणित, अपना खगोल शास्त्र चरम ऊंचाइयों तक ले जा सके। ऐसा इसलिए संभव था, क्योंकि हिमालय और हिन्द महासागर हमारी रक्षा व बचाव करते थे। हम लोग अपनी इन दोनों भौगोलिक पहचानों के प्रति गहन सम्मान की वजह से खुद को हिंदू कहने लगे, क्योंकि इन दोनों के बिना हम हजारों सालों से चली आ रही अपनी संस्कृति को बचाए नहीं रख सकते थे।

जब कुछ लोग बाहर से यहां आएं तो वे सिर्फ इतना ही समझ पाए कि व्यक्ति या तो इस समूह से संबंधित हो सकता है या उस समूह से। ऐसे ही लोगों ने इस संस्कृति को हिंदुत्व का नाम दिया। उससे पहले तक यहां हिंदुत्व जैसी कोई चीज नहीं थी। इसलिए अब वो समय आ गया है कि हम खोजने के भाव को वापस लाएं। इसका किसी विश्वास या मत से संबंध नहीं है। यह ‘मेरा धर्म बनाम आपका धर्म’ का मामला नहीं है। यह इससे जुड़ा है कि हम अपने आसपास की हर चीज पर पूरे सम्मान के साथ गौर करें और महसूस करें कि हम क्या सर्वश्रेष्ठ कर सकते हैं। यही सनातन धर्म की प्रकृति है। यही वजह है कि यह सनातन और शाश्वत है। अगर आप अपने विश्वास या मत मुझ पर थोपेंगे तो यह कितनी देर तक काम करेगा। सनातम धर्म अगर शाश्वत है तो वह सिर्फ इसलिए, क्योंकि इसमें जो कुछ भी बताया गया है, वह इंसान के समझ या बुद्धि के अनुकूल है। यही वजह है कि यह हमेशा रह सकता है।

सनातन धर्म उस परम कल्याण की बात करता है, जो कि एकमात्र कल्याण है जिसकी पूरी दुनिया आकांक्षा कर सकती है। अगर हम वाकई चाहते हैं कि पूरी दुनिया सनातन धर्म का अभ्यास करे, तो यह बेहद महत्वपूर्ण है कि इसकी पहचान किसी भी रूप में स्थापित नहीं होनी चाहिए। मानव बुद्धि या समझ की प्रकृति ही खोजने की है। लोगों के भीतर यह जिज्ञासा इसलिए खत्म होती गई, क्योंकि उन पर विश्वास या मत थोपे गए। उन्हें बताया गया ‘जो कुछ है, यही है’ और अगर आप इस पर विश्वास नहीं करेंगे तो आप जिंदा ही नहीं रह सकते। डर, अपराधबोध और पसंद का इस्तेमाल करके मानव बुद्धि की प्राकृतिक जिज्ञासा को जबरदस्त तरीके से खत्म कर दिया गया। मानवता के परम कल्याण के लिए यह बेहद जरूरी है कि हरेक व्यक्ति के जीवन में जिज्ञासा का एक गहन भाव लाया जाए। यही सनातन धर्म का असली लक्ष्य है।

essay on hindu religion in hindi

essay on hindu religion in hindi

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essay on hindu religion in hindi

  • Essays in Hindi /

Essay on Indian Culture: भारतीय संस्कृति के बारे में निबंध

essay on hindu religion in hindi

  • Updated on  
  • जून 18, 2024

Essay on Indian Culture in Hindi

Essay on Indian Culture in Hindi : भारतीय संस्कृति दुनिया की सबसे पुरानी और समृद्ध संस्कृतियों में से एक है? अमेरिका के महानतम लेखकों और हास्यकारों में से एक मार्क ट्वेन ने एक बार कहा था, कि ‘भारत एक ऐसी भूमि है जिसे हर कोई देखना चाहता है और एक बार देखने के बाद, यहां तक ​​कि एक झलक भी, पूरी दुनिया के बाकी हिस्सों की तुलना में कम ही देखने को मिलती है।’ भारतीय संस्कृति अपनी समृद्ध सुंदरता, पारंपरिक मूल्यों, नैतिकता और सामाजिक मानदंडों के लिए जानी जाती है। तो चलिए जानते हैं Essay on Indian Culture in Hindi  से भारतीय संस्कृति के बारे में। 

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भारतीय संस्कृति पर निबंध 100 शब्द में, भारतीय संस्कृति पर निबंध 200 शब्द में, भारतीय संस्कृति पर निबंध 500 शब्द में, भारतीय संस्कृति का महत्व, भारतीय संस्कृति के बारे में रोचक तथ्य.

भारतीय सांस्कृतिक के लोग पुराने रीति-रिवाजों से जुड़े हुए हैं। भारत के दिवाली, होली, नवरात्रि आदि जैसे लोकप्रिय त्यौहार न केवल भारत में बल्कि दुनिया के अन्य हिस्सों में भी मनाए जाते हैं। भारत की संस्कृति लोगों की मान्यताओं, सामाजिक संरचना और धार्मिकता को दर्शाती है। भारत देश में हर धर्म के लोग रहते है। यहां हर क्षेत्र की उनकी अपनी अलग-अलग संस्कृति है, जो वहां के लोगों की भाषा, पहनावे और परंपराओं में दर्शाती है। भारतीय संस्कृति अनूठी परंपराओं से विकसित है। भारत एक समृद्ध संस्कृति वाला देश है, यहां एक से ज्यादा धार्मिक संस्कृतियों के लोग एक साथ रहते हैं।

भारतीय संस्कृति रीति-रिवाजों, अनुष्ठानों, मूल्यों और प्रथाओं के इस जटिल ताने-बाने ने एक सभ्यता की पहचान को आकार दिया है जो अपनी विविधता और गहराई के लिए जानी जाती है। भारतीय साहित्य की सबसे पुरानी कृतियाँ मौखिक थीं। संस्कृत साहित्य की शुरुआत होती है 5500 से 5200 ईसा पूर्व के बीच संकलित ऋग्वेद से जो की पवित्र भजनों का एक संकलन है। संस्कृत के महाकाव्य रामायण और महाभारत पहली शताब्दी ईसा पूर्व के अंत में लिखे गए।

पहली शताब्दी ईसा पूर्व की पहली कुछ सदियों के दौरान शास्त्रीय संस्कृत खूब फली-फूली, तमिल संगम साहित्य और पाली कैनन ने भी इस समय काफी प्रगति की। मनोरंजन और खेल के क्षेत्र में भारतीय संस्कृति में खेलों की एक बड़ी संख्या विकसित हुई। आधुनिक पूर्वी मार्शल कला भारत में एक प्राचीन खेल के रूप में शुरू हुई और कुछ लोगों द्वारा ऐसा माना जाता है कि यही खेल विदेशों में फैले और बाद में उन्हीं खेलों का अनुकूलन और आधुनिकीकरण किया गया। ब्रिटिश शासन के दौरान भारत में आये कुछ खेल यहाँ काफी लोकप्रिय हो गए जैसे फील्ड हॉकी, फुटबॉल और खासकर क्रिकेट।

भारतीय संस्कृति विश्व की प्राचीन एवं समृद्ध संस्कृति व सभ्यता है। जिसे विश्वभर की सभी संस्कृतियों की जननी माना जाता है। कला, विज्ञान या राजनीति का क्षेत्र भारतीय संस्कृति हमेशा से विशेष रही है। भारत हमेशा से धर्म, अर्थ, काम और मोक्ष की प्राप्ति भारतीय संस्कृति का मूल मंत्र रहा है। प्राचीन भारत के धर्म, दर्शन, शास्त्र, कला, राजनीति, संस्कृति इत्यादि में भारतीय संस्कृति के स्वरुप को देखा जा सकता है। पारंपरिक भारतीय भोजन, कला, संगीत, खेल, कपड़े और वास्तुकला अलग-अलग क्षेत्रों में काफी भिन्न होते हैं। 

भारतीय संस्कृति क्यों प्रसिद्ध है?

भारत की समृद्धता और संस्कृति दुनिया के विभिन्न हिस्सों से लोगों को आकर्षित करती है। पूरे देश में सांस्कृतिक डाइवर्सिटी, धार्मिक और आध्यात्मिक प्रथाओं की विविधता। भारतीय सांस्कृतिक की प्राचीन सिंधु घाटी सभ्यता जो सबसे पुरानी सभ्यताओं में से एक है। भारतीय सांस्कृतिक में योग और ध्यान जैसी अवधारणाएँ, जिन्होंने पूरी विश्व में लोकप्रियता को हासिल किया है। यहां की सांस्कृतिक में पारंपरिक कला प्रथाएँ जैसे कथक, मोहिनीअट्टम, ओडिसी, भरतनाट्यम, कुचिपुड़ी आदि जैसे शास्त्रीय नृत्य जो लोगों को आकर्षित करते हैं। भारती संस्कृति की कलाएं जो हर क्षेत्र की अपनी पहचान बताती है जैसे- तंजौर और मधुबनी पेंटिंग जैसी पारंपरिक कला लोगों का ध्यान आकर्षित किया है। यहां के स्वादिष्ट व्यंजन जो हर तेहवारों में खूब बनते हैं। 

भारत की संस्कृति विश्व की सबसे पुरानी संस्कृति है, जो करीब 5,000 साल पुरानी है। भारत की राष्ट्रीय भाषा हिंदी है। भारत में लगभग 22 आधिकारिक भाषाएँ हैं और यही नहीं भारत के विभिन्न राज्यों और क्षेत्रों में लगभग 400 अन्य भाषाएँ बोली जाती हैं। 

  • भारतीय संस्कृति में प्राचीन सभ्यताओं से लेकर वर्तमान समय तक कई रोचक तथ्य हैं।
  • भारतीय संस्कृति में विश्व के सबसे पुराने शहरों वाराणसी को शंघाई सहयोग संगठन (SCO) द्वारा वर्ष 2022-23 के लिए पर्यटन और सांस्कृतिक राजधानी नामित किया गया।
  • भारत में स्थित दुनिया के सात अजूबों में से एक ताजमहल भारतीय संस्कृति को दर्शाती है, जिसे देखने ले किये देश-विदेश से लोग एते हैं।
  • भारतीय संस्कृति से जुड़ा है दुनिया का सबसे लंबा महाकाव्य, महाभारत। जिसमें किंवदंती में 1 लाख से अधिक दोहे (श्लोक) हैं।

भारतीय संस्कृति कि हर पहलू में विविधता है, वो चाहे धार्मिक प्रथा हो या त्योहार, पारंपरिक कला। हमारी भारतीय संस्कृति को जीवित रखने के लिए महात्मा गांधी, सरदार वल्लभभाई पटेल, सुभाष चंद्र बोस और कई अन्य जैसे लोकप्रिय नेताओं ने स्वतंत्रता-पूर्व युग में बड़े पैमाने पर आंदोलनों का नेतृत्व किया था। हमारी संस्कृति हमारी पहचान है, क्योंकि यह हमें एक पहचान देती है। भारत एक धर्मनिरपेक्ष देश है।

भारतीय संस्कृति और इसकी परंपरा लोगों को अपनी तरफ आकर्षित करती है। भारतीय संस्कृति ने हमेशा शांति और सद्भाव को बढ़ावा दिया जाता है। भारतीय मूल के धर्म हिंदू धर्म, बौद्ध धर्म, जैन धर्म और सिख धर्म हैं। ये सभी धर्म कर्म और धर्म पर आधारित हैं। इसके अतिरिक्त इन चारों को भारतीय धर्म कहा जाता है।

भारतीय संस्कृति का केंद्र हिंदू धर्म है.

वैदिक सभ्यता। 

देव संस्कृति है। 

पुरूषार्थ चतुष्टय-धर्म, अर्थ, काम और मोक्ष। 

आशा है कि इस ब्लाॅग में आपको Essay on Indian Culture in Hindi के बारे में पूरी जानकारी मिल गई होगी। इसी तरह के अन्य निबंध से संबंधित ब्लॉग्स पढ़ने के लिए Leverage Edu के साथ बने रहें।

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By: History.com Editors

Updated: November 16, 2023 | Original: October 6, 2017

HISTORY: Hinduism

Hinduism is the world’s oldest religion, according to many scholars, with roots and customs dating back more than 4,000 years. Today, with more than 1 billion followers , Hinduism is the third-largest religion worldwide, after Christianity and Islam . Roughly 94 percent of the world’s Hindus live in India. Because the religion has no specific founder, it’s difficult to trace its origins and history. Hinduism is unique in that it’s not a single religion but a compilation of many traditions and philosophies: Hindus worship a number of different gods and minor deities, honor a range of symbols, respect several different holy books and celebrate with a wide variety of traditions, holidays and customs. Though the development of the caste system in India was influenced by Hindu concepts , it has been shaped throughout history by political as well as religious movements, and today is much less rigidly enforced. Today there are four major sects of Hinduism: Shaivism, Vaishnava, Shaktism and Smarta, as well as a number of smaller sects with their own religious practices.

Hinduism Beliefs, Symbols

Some basic Hindu concepts include:

  • Hinduism embraces many religious ideas. For this reason, it’s sometimes referred to as a “way of life” or a “family of religions,” as opposed to a single, organized religion.
  • Most forms of Hinduism are henotheistic, which means they worship a single deity, known as “Brahman,” but still recognize other gods and goddesses. Followers believe there are multiple paths to reaching their god.
  • Hindus believe in the doctrines of samsara (the continuous cycle of life, death, and reincarnation) and karma (the universal law of cause and effect).
  • One of the key thoughts of Hinduism is “atman,” or the belief in soul. This philosophy holds that living creatures have a soul, and they’re all part of the supreme soul. The goal is to achieve “moksha,” or salvation, which ends the cycle of rebirths to become part of the absolute soul.
  • One fundamental principle of the religion is the idea that people’s actions and thoughts directly determine their current life and future lives.
  • Hindus strive to achieve dharma, which is a code of living that emphasizes good conduct and morality.
  • Hindus revere all living creatures and consider the cow a sacred animal.
  • Food is an important part of life for Hindus. Most don’t eat beef or pork, and many are vegetarians.
  • Hinduism is closely related to other Indian religions, including Buddhism , Sikhism and Jainism.

Swastika in Hinduism

There are two primary symbols associated with Hinduism, the om and the swastika. The word swastika means "good fortune" or "being happy" in Sanskrit, and the symbol represents good luck . (A hooked, diagonal variation of the swastika later became associated with Germany’s Nazi Party  when they made it their symbol in 1920.)

The om symbol is composed of three Sanskrit letters and represents three sounds (a, u and m), which when combined are considered a sacred sound. The om symbol is often found at family shrines and in Hindu temples.

Hinduism Holy Books

Hindus value many sacred writings as opposed to one holy book.

The primary sacred texts, known as the Vedas, were composed around 1500 B.C. This collection of verses and hymns was written in Sanskrit and contains revelations received by ancient saints and sages.

The Vedas are made up of:

  • The Rig Veda
  • The Samaveda
  • Atharvaveda

Hindus believe that the Vedas transcend all time and don’t have a beginning or an end.

The Upanishads, the Bhagavad Gita, 18 Puranas, Ramayana and Mahabharata are also considered important texts in Hinduism.

Origins of Hinduism

Most scholars believe Hinduism started somewhere between 2300 B.C. and 1500 B.C. in the Indus Valley, near modern-day Pakistan. But many Hindus argue that their faith is timeless and has always existed.

Unlike other religions, Hinduism has no one founder but is instead a fusion of various beliefs.

Around 1500 B.C., the Indo-Aryan people migrated to the Indus Valley, and their language and culture blended with that of the indigenous people living in the region. There’s some debate over who influenced whom more during this time.

The period when the Vedas were composed became known as the “Vedic Period” and lasted from about 1500 B.C. to 500 B.C. Rituals, such as sacrifices and chanting, were common in the Vedic Period.

The Epic, Puranic and Classic Periods took place between 500 B.C. and A.D. 500. Hindus began to emphasize the worship of deities, especially Vishnu, Shiva and Devi.

The concept of dharma was introduced in new texts, and other faiths, such as Buddhism and Jainism, spread rapidly.

Hinduism vs. Buddhism

Hinduism and Buddhism have many similarities. Buddhism, in fact, arose out of Hinduism, and both believe in reincarnation, karma and that a life of devotion and honor is a path to salvation and enlightenment. 

But some key differences exist between the two religions: Many strains of Buddhism reject the caste system, and do away with many of the rituals, the priesthood, and the gods that are integral to Hindu faith.

Medieval and Modern Hindu History

The Medieval Period of Hinduism lasted from about A.D. 500 to 1500. New texts emerged, and poet-saints recorded their spiritual sentiments during this time.

In the 7th century, Muslim Arabs began invading areas in India. During parts of the Muslim Period, which lasted from about 1200 to 1757, Islamic rulers prevented Hindus from worshipping their deities, and some temples were destroyed.

Mahatma Gandhi

Between 1757 and 1947, the British controlled India. At first, the new rulers allowed Hindus to practice their religion without interference, but the British soon attempted to exploit aspects of Indian culture as leverage points for political control, in some cases exacerbating Hindu caste divisions even as they promoted westernized, Christian approaches.

Many reformers emerged during the British Period. The well-known politician and peace activist, Mahatma Gandhi , led a movement that pushed for India’s independence.

The partition of India occurred in 1947, and Gandhi was assassinated in 1948. British India was split into what are now the independent nations of India and Pakistan , and Hinduism became the major religion of India.

Starting in the 1960s, many Hindus migrated to North America and Britain, spreading their faith and philosophies to the western world.

Gandhi and Hinduism

Hindus worship many gods and goddesses in addition to Brahman, who is believed to be the supreme God force present in all things.

Some of the most prominent deities include:

  • Brahma: the god responsible for the creation of the world and all living things
  • Vishnu: the god that preserves and protects the universe
  • Shiva: the god that destroys the universe in order to recreate it
  • Devi: the goddess that fights to restore dharma
  • Krishna: the god of compassion, tenderness and love
  • Lakshmi: the goddess of wealth and purity
  • Saraswati: the goddess of learning

Places of Worship

Hindu worship, which is known as “puja,” typically takes place in the Mandir (temple). Followers of Hinduism can visit the Mandir any time they please.

Hindus can also worship at home, and many have a special shrine dedicated to certain gods and goddesses.

The giving of offerings is an important part of Hindu worship. It’s a common practice to present gifts, such as flowers or oils, to a god or goddess.

Additionally, many Hindus take pilgrimages to temples and other sacred sites in India.

essay on hindu religion in hindi

6 Things You Might Not Know About Gandhi

The iconic Indian activist, known for his principle of nonviolent resistance, had humble beginnings and left an outsized legacy.

The Ancient Origins of Diwali

Diwali, also known as the Festival of Lights, is primarily celebrated by followers of the Hindu, Sikh and Jain faiths.

Hinduism Sects

Hinduism has many sects, and the following are often considered the four major denominations.

Shaivism is one of the largest denominations of Hinduism, and its followers worship Shiva, sometimes known as “The Destroyer,” as their supreme deity.

Shaivism spread from southern India into Southeast Asia and is practiced in Vietnam, Cambodia and Indonesia as well as India. Like the other major sects of Hinduism, Shaivism considers the Vedas and the Upanishads to be sacred texts.

Vaishnavism is considered the largest Hindu sect, with an estimated 640 million followers, and is practiced worldwide. It includes sub-sects that are familiar to many non-Hindus, including Ramaism and Krishnaism.

Vaishnavism recognizes many deities, including Vishnu, Lakshmi, Krishna and Rama, and the religious practices of Vaishnavism vary from region to region across the Indian subcontinent.

Shaktism is somewhat unique among the four major traditions of Hinduism in that its followers worship a female deity, the goddess Shakti (also known as Devi).

Shaktism is sometimes practiced as a monotheistic religion, while other followers of this tradition worship a number of goddesses. This female-centered denomination is sometimes considered complementary to Shaivism, which recognizes a male deity as supreme.

The Smarta or Smartism tradition of Hinduism is somewhat more orthodox and restrictive than the other four mainstream denominations. It tends to draw its followers from the Brahman upper caste of Indian society.

Smartism followers worship five deities: Vishnu, Shiva, Devi, Ganesh and Surya. Their temple at Sringeri is generally recognized as the center of worship for the denomination.

Some Hindus elevate the Hindu trinity, which consists of Brahma, Vishnu and Shiva. Others believe that all the deities are a manifestation of one.

Hindu Caste System

The caste system is a social hierarchy in India that divides Hindus based on their karma and dharma. Although the word “caste” is of Portuguese origin, it is used to describe aspects of the related Hindu concepts of varna (color or race) and jati (birth). Many scholars believe the system dates back more than 3,000 years.

The four main castes (in order of prominence) include:

  • Brahmin: the intellectual and spiritual leaders
  • Kshatriyas: the protectors and public servants of society
  • Vaisyas: the skillful producers
  • Shudras: the unskilled laborers

Many subcategories also exist within each caste. The “Untouchables” are a class of citizens that are outside the caste system and considered to be in the lowest level of the social hierarchy.

For centuries, the caste system determined most aspect of a person’s social, professional and religious status in India.

essay on hindu religion in hindi

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When India became an independent nation, its constitution banned discrimination based on caste.

Today, the caste system still exists in India but is loosely followed. Many of the old customs are overlooked, but some traditions, such as only marrying within a specific caste, are still embraced.

Hindu Holiday, Diwali

Hindus observe numerous sacred days, holidays and festivals.

Some of the most well-known include:

  • Diwali : the festival of lights
  • Navaratri: a celebration of fertility and harvest
  • Holi: a spring festival
  • Krishna Janmashtami: a tribute to Krishna’s birthday
  • Raksha Bandhan: a celebration of the bond between brother and sister
  • Maha Shivaratri: the great festival of Shiva

Hinduism Facts. Sects of Hinduism . Hindu American Foundation. Hinduism Basics . History of Hinduism, BBC . Hinduism Fast Facts, CNN .

essay on hindu religion in hindi

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The term Hinduism

  • General nature of Hinduism
  • Veda, Brahmans, and issues of religious authority
  • Doctrine of atman - brahman
  • Karma, samsara, and moksha
  • Dharma and the three paths
  • Ashrama s: the four stages of life
  • Indo-European sources
  • Other sources: the process of “Sanskritization”
  • Indigenous prehistoric religion
  • Religion in the Indus valley civilization
  • Survival of archaic religious practices
  • The Vedic period (2nd millennium–7th century bce )
  • Challenges to Brahmanism (6th–2nd century bce )
  • The rise of the major sects: Vaishnavism, Shaivism, and Shaktism
  • The development of temples
  • The spread of Hinduism in Southeast Asia and the Pacific
  • Questions of influence on the Mediterranean world
  • The rise of devotional Hinduism (4th–11th century)
  • The challenge of Islam and popular religion
  • Temple complexes
  • Sectarian movements
  • Bhakti movements
  • Brahmo Samaj
  • Ramakrishna Mission
  • Theosophical Society
  • Aurobindo Ashram
  • Other reform movements
  • Mahatma Gandhi
  • The religious situation after independence
  • Hinduism outside India
  • Importance of the Vedas
  • The components of the Vedas
  • The Rigveda
  • The Yajurveda and Samaveda
  • The Atharvaveda
  • The Brahmanas and Aranyakas
  • Cosmogony and cosmology
  • Ethical and social doctrines
  • The sacred: nature, humanity, and God
  • Vedic and Brahmanic rites
  • The Upanishads
  • The Vedangas
  • Dharma-sutras and Dharma-shastras
  • Smriti texts
  • The Ramayana
  • The Mahabharata
  • The Bhagavadgita
  • Myths of time and eternity
  • Stories of the gods
  • Vaishnavism
  • Narratives of culture heroes
  • Myths of holy rivers and holy places
  • Philosophical sutras and the rise of the Six Schools of philosophy
  • Shaiva Agamas
  • Vaishnava Samhitas
  • Shakta Tantras
  • Nature of Tantric tradition
  • Tantric and Shakta views of nature, humanity, and the sacred
  • Tantric ritual and magical practices
  • Tantric and Shakta ethical and social doctrines
  • Vernacular literatures
  • Divination, spirit possession, and healing
  • Women’s religious practices
  • Samskara s: rites of passage
  • Daily offerings
  • Other private rites
  • Temple worship
  • Shaiva rites
  • Vaishnava rites
  • Sacred times and festivals
  • Social structure
  • Social protest
  • Renunciants and the rejection of social order
  • Sectarian symbols
  • Yantra and mandala
  • Lingam and yoni
  • Visual theology in icons
  • Religious principles in sculpture and painting
  • Religious organization of sacred architecture
  • Theater and dance
  • Hinduism and religions of Indian origin
  • Hinduism and Islam
  • Hinduism and Christianity
  • Diasporic Hinduism

Ganesha, god of beginnings

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Ganesha, god of beginnings

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Hinduism , major world religion originating on the Indian subcontinent and comprising several and varied systems of philosophy , belief, and ritual . Although the name Hinduism is relatively new, having been coined by British writers in the first decades of the 19th century, it refers to a rich cumulative tradition of texts and practices, some of which date to the 2nd millennium bce or possibly earlier. If the Indus valley civilization (3rd–2nd millennium bce ) was the earliest source of these traditions, as some scholars hold, then Hinduism is the oldest living religion on Earth. Its many sacred texts in Sanskrit and vernacular languages served as a vehicle for spreading the religion to other parts of the world, though ritual and the visual and performing arts also played a significant role in its transmission. From about the 4th century ce , Hinduism had a dominant presence in Southeast Asia , one that would last for more than 1,000 years.

In the early 21st century, Hinduism had nearly one billion adherents worldwide and was the religion of about 80 percent of India ’s population. Despite its global presence, however, it is best understood through its many distinctive regional manifestations .

The term Hinduism became familiar as a designator of religious ideas and practices distinctive to India with the publication of books such as Hinduism (1877) by Sir Monier Monier-Williams, the notable Oxford scholar and author of an influential Sanskrit dictionary. Initially it was an outsiders’ term, building on centuries-old usages of the word Hindu. Early travelers to the Indus valley , beginning with the Greeks and Persians, spoke of its inhabitants as “Hindu” (Greek: ‘indoi ), and, in the 16th century, residents of India themselves began very slowly to employ the term to distinguish themselves from the Turks. Gradually the distinction became primarily religious rather than ethnic, geographic, or cultural.

Since the late 19th century, Hindus have reacted to the term Hinduism in several ways. Some have rejected it in favor of indigenous formulations. Others have preferred “ Vedic religion ,” using the term Vedic to refer not only to the ancient religious texts known as the Vedas but also to a fluid corpus of sacred works in multiple languages and an orthoprax (traditionally sanctioned) way of life. Still others have chosen to call the religion sanatana dharma (“eternal law”), a formulation made popular in the 19th century and emphasizing the timeless elements of the tradition that are perceived to transcend local interpretations and practice. Finally, others, perhaps the majority, have simply accepted the term Hinduism or its analogues , especially hindu dharma (Hindu moral and religious law), in various Indic languages .

Omar Ali Saifuddin mosque, Bandar Seri Begawan, Brunei.

Since the early 20th century, textbooks on Hinduism have been written by Hindus themselves, often under the rubric of sanatana dharma . These efforts at self-explanation add a new layer to an elaborate tradition of explaining practice and doctrine that dates to the 1st millennium bce . The roots of Hinduism can be traced back much farther—both textually, to the schools of commentary and debate preserved in epic and Vedic writings from the 2nd millennium bce , and visually, through artistic representations of yaksha s (luminous spirits associated with specific locales and natural phenomena) and naga s (cobralike divinities), which were worshipped from about 400 bce . The roots of the tradition are also sometimes traced back to the female terra-cotta figurines found ubiquitously in excavations of sites associated with the Indus valley civilization and sometimes interpreted as goddesses.

  • articles in hindi

अयोध्या राम मंदिर पर हिंदी में निबंध, Essay on Ram Mandir in Hindi

Ram mandir nibandh in hindi: राम मंदिर अयोध्या पर निबंध यहां प्राप्त करें। स्कूल में अपने राम मंदिर पर निबंध तैयार करने के लिए इन निबंधों का उपयोग करें। जानिए राम मंदिर की विशिष्टताएं i.

Atul Rawal

Shri Ram Mandir Ayodhya Essay in Hindi: राम मंदिर हिंदुओं के लिए एक महत्वपूर्ण धार्मिक स्थल है। यह माना जाता है कि भगवान राम का जन्म अयोध्या में हुआ था। मंदिर का निर्माण भारत देश के लिए एक लंबे समय से प्रतीक्षित सपना था और इसका उद्घाटन इतिहास के पन्नों में हमेशा के लिए दर्ज हो जायेगा।

राम मंदिर पर निबंध लिखकर छात्रों को इसके इतिहास और वर्तमान महत्व के बारे में शिक्षित करना एक प्रभावी तरीका है। नीचे दिए गए निबंध के उदहारण को आप अपने निबंध में शामिल कर सकते हैं, लेकिन साथ ही यह महत्वपूर्ण है कि आप अपने स्वयं के शोध और समझ को निबंध में समाहित करें I स्कूल के लिए लिखने वाले निबंध में आपकी अपनी आवाज और विचार महत्वपूर्ण होते हैं।

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राम मंदिर अयोध्या पर हिंदी में निबंध

अयोध्या के राम मंदिर पर 150 शब्दों में निबंध

अयोध्या राम मंदिर भारत में एक प्रसिद्ध और चर्चित मंदिर है। अयोध्या विवाद लगभग 1858 में शुरू हुआ था। पहला मामला 1885 में दर्ज किया गया था। 1989 में विश्व हिंदू परिषद (VHP) द्वारा उसी स्थान पर 'शिलान्यास' किए जाने के बाद मुख्य आग भड़की थी।

राम मंदिर अयोध्या से जुड़ी घटनाएं और मामले को सुलझाने का संघर्ष एक राजनीतिक एजेंडा बन गया। 2019 में सुप्रीम कोर्ट ने विवादित स्थान को राम मंदिर को आवंटित करके इस मामले पर पूर्ण विराम लगा दिया।

प्रधानमंत्री नरेंद्र मोदी ने 5 अगस्त, 2020 को अयोध्या में राम लला मंदिर का शिलान्यास किया। पूर्व निर्धारित तिथि के अनुसार राम मंदिर 'प्रण प्रतिष्ठा' समारोह 22 जनवरी, 2024 को आयोजित किया जाएगा। इससे राम मंदिर के द्वार लोगों के लिए खुल जाएंगे।

राम मंदिर अयोध्या पर 250 शब्दों में निबंध

अयोध्या में राम मंदिर का निर्माण भारत के इतिहास में एक महत्वपूर्ण और परिवर्तनकारी घटना है। राम जन्मभूमि के पवित्र स्थल पर निर्मित, इस मंदिर का अत्यधिक सांस्कृतिक, धार्मिक और ऐतिहासिक महत्व है। इस मंदिर के निर्माण की यात्रा राष्ट्र के जटिल सामाजिक राजनीतिक परिदृश्य को दर्शाती है।

अयोध्या विवाद की जड़ें इतिहास की गहराइयों में समा गई हैं, विवादित स्थल को भगवान राम का जन्म स्थान माना जाता है I भूमि को लेकर हुए कानूनी और राजनीतिक संघर्ष का समापन 2019 में सुप्रीम कोर्ट के ऐतिहासिक फैसले के साथ हुआ, जिसने राम मंदिर के निर्माण का मार्ग प्रशस्त किया. सर्वसम्मत फैसले ने सौहार्दपूर्ण समाधान और सांप्रदायिक सद्भाव की आवश्यकता पर बल दिया.

मंदिर का स्थापत्य नागर शैली का अनुसरण करता है, जो जटिल शिल्प कौशल और डिजाइन का दर्पण प्रस्तुत करता है। ऊंचे शिखर मंदिर की भव्यता में चार चांद लगाते हैं। निर्माण प्रक्रिया में पारंपरिक और आधुनिक तकनीकों का मिश्रण विरासत और प्रगति के सम्मिश्रण का प्रतीक है।

अयोध्या में राम मंदिर का निर्माण केवल एक धार्मिक उपक्रम नहीं है, बल्कि सदियों से चले आ रहे विवाद के समापन का प्रतीक है। यह मंदिर एक आशा की किरण बनकर उभर रहा है, जो राष्ट्रीय गौरव और एकजुटता की भावना को बढ़ावा दे रहा है। मंदिर के निर्माण के पूरा होने से दुनिया भर के भक्तों और पर्यटकों को आकर्षित करने की उम्मीद है, जिससे अयोध्या एक महत्वपूर्ण तीर्थस्थल और सांस्कृतिक केंद्र बन जाएगा।

श्री राम मंदिर की मुख्य विशेषताएँ:

  • अयोध्या राम मंदिर भारत के उत्तर प्रदेश राज्य के अयोध्या शहर में स्थित है।
  • मंदिर का कुल क्षेत्रफल 2.7 एकड़ है और इसका निर्मित क्षेत्रफल 57,400 वर्ग फुट है।
  • मंदिर 360 फीट लंबा, 235 फीट चौड़ा और 161 फीट ऊंचा है।
  • मंदिर में तीन मंजिलें हैं, प्रत्येक मंजिल की ऊंचाई 20 फीट है।
  • मंदिर के भूतल पर 160 स्तंभ हैं, पहली मंजिल पर 132 स्तंभ हैं और दूसरी मंजिल पर 74 स्तंभ हैं।
  • मंदिर में पांच शिखर और पांच मंडप हैं।
  • मंदिर में 12 द्वार हैं।

राम कथा के 10 बिंदु (Ram Katha in 10 Pointers)

  • राम, अयोध्या के राजा दशरथ के सबसे बड़े पुत्र थे। उन्हें उनके धर्म, कर्तव्य और न्याय के प्रति समर्पण के लिए जाना जाता था।
  • राजनीतिक चालों के चलते, राम को वनवास जाना पड़ा। उनकी पत्नी सीता और भाई लक्ष्मण उनके साथ वनवास गए।
  • वनवास के दौरान, रावण नामक राक्षस ने सीता का अपहरण कर लिया।
  • हनुमान, वानर देव, राम की खोज में लंका गए और सीता को ढूंढ निकाला।
  • राम ने वानर सेना की मदद से लंका पर चढ़ाई की और रावण को युद्ध में मार डाला।
  • सीता की वापसी पर, उनकी पवित्रता साबित करने के लिए, सीता ने अग्निपरीक्षा दी।
  • राम 14 साल के वनवास के बाद अयोध्या लौटे और उन्हें राजा बनाया गया।
  • राम का शासन आदर्श माना जाता है। उनके राज्य में न्याय, शांति, और समृद्धि का राज था।
  • राम को उनके धर्मनिष्ठता, साहस, कर्तव्यनिष्ठा, और करुणा के लिए जाना जाता है।
  • राम कथा हिंदू धर्म में एक महत्वपूर्ण ग्रंथ है। यह हमें सत्य, धर्म, और कर्तव्य का पालन करने की सीख देती है।

इस जानकारी का उपयोग करके राम मंदिर अयोध्या पर हिंदी में अपनी 10 पंक्तियाँ बनाएँ

  • क्या है अयोध्या के 'राम मंदिर' की मुख्य विशेषताएं पढ़ें यहां?
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आप जागरण जोश पर सरकारी नौकरी , रिजल्ट , स्कूल , सीबीएसई और अन्य राज्य परीक्षा बोर्ड के सभी लेटेस्ट जानकारियों के लिए ऐप डाउनलोड करें।

  • क्या आम लोग मंदिर के दर्शन कर पाएंगे? + जी बिल्कुल! मंदिर का उद्घाटन के बाद आम लोगों के लिए खोल दिया जाएगा। सभी को रामलला के दर्शन करने और मंदिर की भव्यता का अनुभव करने का अवसर मिलेगा।
  • अयोध्या राम मंदिर का इतिहास क्या है? + अयोध्या राम मंदिर का इतिहास सदियों पुराना है। माना जाता है कि यहां भगवान राम का जन्म हुआ था और उन्होंने अपने जीवन का एक महत्वपूर्ण हिस्सा इसी नगरी में बिताया था। 16वीं शताब्दी में मंदिर के ध्वंस के बाद राम जन्मभूमि को लेकर सदियों से विवाद चला, जो 2019 में सुप्रीम कोर्ट के ऐतिहासिक फैसले के साथ शांत हुआ। मंदिर का निर्माण 5 अगस्त 2020 को शुरू हुआ और 22 जनवरी 2024 को इसका उद्घाटन होने वाला है।
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Essay on Hinduism

Narayan Bista

Introduction to Hinduism

Hinduism, a complex and vibrant tapestry of beliefs and practices, is among the world’s oldest and most diverse religions. Rooted in the ancient civilizations of the Indian subcontinent, Hinduism encompasses a vast array of philosophies, rituals, and cultural expressions.

Thousands of years ago, sages, scriptures, and mythologies evolved their origins through wisdom and insights. Hinduism’s enduring appeal lies in its multifaceted approach to spirituality, embracing concepts like karma, dharma, and moksha. In this essay, we will delve into the essence of Hinduism and reveal its profound mysteries.

Essay on Hinduism

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Origins and Historical Development of Hinduism

The origins of Hinduism are deeply intertwined with the cultural, philosophical, and religious evolution of the Indian subcontinent. While pinpointing its exact inception is challenging, scholars often trace the roots of Hinduism to the ancient civilizations of the Indus Valley , around 2500 BCE. However, the foundations of Hinduism as we know it today began to take shape during the Vedic period, which spanned roughly from 1500 BCE to 500 BCE.

  • Early Vedic Period: The Early Vedic Period (circa 1500 BCE – 600 BCE) marks the foundational phase of Hinduism, characterized by the composition of the Rigveda, the oldest of the four Vedas, which contain hymns dedicated to various deities. During this period, pastoral and agricultural communities organized society and rituals centered on offerings to deities for prosperity and well-being. The Vedic literature provides insights into the religious, social, and cultural practices of ancient Indian society, including the reverence for nature and the importance of sacrificial rites.
  • Upanishadic Thought: The Upanishads, philosophical texts around 800 BCE to 200 BCE, represent a significant shift in Hindu thought from ritualistic practices to philosophical inquiry. They delve deeply into the essence of existence, the self (Atman), and ultimate reality (Brahman), establishing the framework for important philosophical themes in Hinduism. The Upanishads challenge traditional notions of divinity and offer deeper insights into the nature of reality, consciousness, and liberation (moksha).
  • Evolution of Hindu Scriptures: Hindu scriptures include the Vedas, Upanishads, Epics (Mahabharata, Ramayana), and Puranas. The Vedas considered the most authoritative scriptures, contain hymns, rituals, and philosophical discussions. The epics Mahabharata and Ramayana are repositories of moral and ethical teachings, while the Puranas elaborate on cosmology, mythology, and religious practices. These scriptures reflect ancient India’s evolving religious and cultural landscape, integrating diverse traditions, beliefs, and narratives.
  • Influence of Key Figures: Revered figures such as rishis (sages), gurus (spiritual teachers), and avatars (divine incarnations) shape Hinduism through their teachings and contributions. Rishis played a crucial role in transmitting sacred knowledge and preserving oral traditions through the ages. Gurus impart spiritual guidance and wisdom to their disciples, fostering spiritual growth and enlightenment. Avatars, divine manifestations of the Supreme Being, descend to Earth to restore cosmic balance and guide humanity towards righteousness and liberation.

Core Beliefs and Philosophical Foundations

In the section on “Core Beliefs and Philosophical Foundations” of Hinduism, we delve into the fundamental tenets and philosophical underpinnings that define the essence of the religion:

Concept of Brahman: The Ultimate Reality

  • Definition and Nature: Brahman represents the ultimate, formless, and transcendent reality in Hinduism. It is beyond human comprehension, existing beyond the manifested world.
  • Immanence and Transcendence: Brahman is both immanent, permeating the entire cosmos, and transcendent, existing beyond the material world. The duality of immanence and transcendence reflects the multifaceted nature of Brahman.
  • Unity in Diversity: Despite the diverse manifestations of the divine in Hinduism, all deities are considered expressions of the underlying unity of Brahman.

Understanding Atman: The Inner Self

  • Nature of Atman: Atman is each individual’s eternal, unchanging essence. It is distinct from the physical body and mind, representing the true self.
  • Cycle of Rebirth (Samsara) and Karma: The soul goes through a cycle of birth, death, and reincarnation (samsara), which is driven by the law of karma. Karma refers to the consequences of one’s deeds, which affect future life conditions.
  • Liberation (Moksha): Moksha is the ultimate goal, signifying liberation from the cycle of rebirth. Achieving moksha involves realizing the oneness of Atman and Brahman through spiritual knowledge and self-realization.

Law of Karma and Reincarnation (Samsara)

  • Karma Defined: Karma is the law of cause and effect, determining the consequences of one’s actions. Actions can be categorized as good (punya) or bad (paap), influencing the soul’s journey through samsara.
  • Samsara and Reincarnation: Samsara is the continuous cycle of birth, death, and rebirth. Reincarnation involves transmigration the soul into a new body based on accumulated karma.
  • Breaking the Cycle: Moksha is the liberation from samsara, breaking the cycle of rebirth. Individuals strive to accumulate positive karma and engage in righteous actions to progress towards moksha.

Paths to Liberation

  • Karma Yoga: Emphasizes selfless action and performing duties without attachment to the results. Balancing one’s responsibilities while maintaining a detached attitude leads to spiritual growth.
  • Bhakti Yoga: Devotion to a personal deity fosters an emotional connection with the divine. Practitioners cultivate love and devotion through prayer, worship, and surrender, transcending ego.
  • Jnana Yoga: Focuses on knowledge and wisdom, seeking to understand the nature of reality. Introspection, study of sacred texts, and contemplation lead to realizing the ultimate truth.
  • Raja Yoga: Involves the practice of meditation and disciplined control of the mind and body. Through concentration and meditation, individuals attain self-realization and inner peace.

Importance of Dharma: Duty and Moral Order

  • Dharma Defined: Dharma refers to one’s duty and righteous conduct according to one’s societal role. It upholds moral and ethical principles that guide individuals in leading a virtuous life .
  • Four Pillars of Dharma: Dharma encompasses duties related to personal conduct (Achara), social ethics (vyavahara), personal well-being (svabhava), and spiritual practices (sadhana).
  • Dharma and Social Harmony: Upholding Dharma contributes to societal harmony and the well-being of individuals and the community. It serves as the moral compass for ethical decision-making in the personal and social realms.

Deities and Divine Manifestations

In Hinduism, deities and divine manifestations play a crucial role in the religious and spiritual landscape, reflecting the multifaceted nature of the divine. Here’s a concise exploration of this aspect:

  • Brahma : The creator deity responsible for manifesting the universe and all beings.
  • Vishnu : The preserver deity who maintains cosmic order and incarnates on Earth to restore balance.
  • Shiva : The destroyer deity who facilitates transformation and renewal, representing both destruction and regeneration.
  • Devi : The supreme goddess, embodying feminine energy and representing the universe’s creative force.
  • Lakshmi : The goddess of wealth, prosperity, and abundance, associated with Vishnu as his consort.
  • Parvati : The consort of Shiva, embodying power, devotion, and divine energy.
  • Ganesha : The elephant-headed god, worshipped as the remover of obstacles, is associated with intelligence, prosperity, and success.
  • Hanuman : The monkey deity known for his unwavering devotion to Lord Rama, embodying strength, loyalty, and courage.
  • Saraswati : The goddess of knowledge, music, and the arts, associated with wisdom, creativity, and learning.
  • Durga : The warrior goddess who combats evil forces and represents the fierce aspect of feminine power.
  • Concept of Avatar: The avatar concept involves divine incarnations, where a deity descends to Earth to fulfill a specific purpose or restore cosmic balance. Vishnu’s avatars, such as Rama and Krishna, exemplify this concept.
  • Devotion (Bhakti) and Temples: Bhakti, the path of devotion, involves profound love and devotion to a chosen deity. Temples dedicated to various deities are focal points for worship, rituals, and community gatherings.
  • Personal Gods and Ishta Devata: Many Hindus choose a personal deity, Ishta Devata, to whom they feel a special connection. This chosen deity becomes a focus of individual worship and devotion.
  • Symbolism and Iconography: Artists often depict deities with specific symbols and iconography that convey their attributes and stories. The symbolism aids devotees in contemplating the divine qualities represented by each deity.
  • Pan-Hinduism and Local Variations: Hindus universally worship specific deities but encounter regional variations with unique local deities and practices. This diversity reflects the adaptability and inclusivity within the broader framework of Hinduism.

Rituals, Festivals, and Sacred Practices

In Hinduism, rituals, festivals, and sacred practices are central to fostering spiritual growth, community cohesion, and reverence for the divine. Here’s an exploration:

Worship and Rituals:

  • Puja : A ritualistic worship conducted by individuals or communities to honor deities and seek their blessings.
  • Elements : Puja involves various rituals, such as offering flowers, incense, lamps, and food to the deity.
  • Mantras and Prayers : Devotees chant sacred mantras and recite prayers to invoke divine presence and express devotion.  

Importance of Temples and Pilgrimage Sites

  • Temples : Serve as sacred spaces dedicated to specific deities, providing a place for worship, meditation, and community gatherings.
  • Pilgrimage : Hindus journey to holy sites such as Varanasi, Rishikesh, and Tirupati to seek spiritual purification and divine blessings.

Celebration of Festivals

  • Diwali : Another name for the Festival of Lights, Diwali rejoices in the victory of right over wrong and light over darkness. It include eating celebratory meals, exchanging gifts, and lighting fireworks and lamps.
  • Holi : The festival of colors commemorates the arrival of spring and celebrates the victory of devotion over ego. Participants engage in playful activities, music, and throwing colored powders.
  • Navaratri : A nine-night festival dedicated to worshiping the divine feminine in her various forms, culminating in the celebration of Durga Puja .
  • Ganesh Chaturthi : Honors the elephant-headed deity Ganesha , marking his birthday with elaborate rituals, processions, and the immersion of Ganesha idols in water bodies.

Sacraments of Life

  • Birth Rituals : Ceremonies such as Namakaran (naming ceremony) and Annaprashan (first feeding of solid food) mark significant milestones in a child’s life.
  • Marriage Rituals : Weddings involve elaborate ceremonies, rituals, and vows conducted according to religious scriptures and cultural traditions.
  • Death Rituals : Funerary rites such as cremation or burial, along with prayers and offerings, guide the soul’s journey to the afterlife.  

Spiritual Practices

  • Meditation : Practiced in various forms, such as mantra meditation, mindfulness, and breath awareness, to cultivate inner peace and spiritual insight.
  • Yoga : Includes physical postures (asanas), breathing techniques (pranayama), and meditation aimed at harmonizing body, mind, and spirit.
  • Scripture Study : The study of sacred texts such as the Vedas, Upanishads, Bhagavad Gita, and Ramayana provides spiritual guidance and philosophical insights.

Hindu Ethics and Social Structure

In Hinduism, religious teachings, cultural norms, and philosophical principles deeply intertwine with ethics and social structure. Here’s an explanation of each point:

  • Concept of Ahimsa: Ahimsa, or non-violence, is a foundational principle in Hindu ethics, emphasizing compassion, kindness, and harmlessness towards all living beings. It extends beyond physical harm to mental and emotional well-being, promoting peace and harmony in thought, word, and action. Ahimsa is embodied in the lives of spiritual leaders like Mahatma Gandhi and forms the basis for vegetarianism and animal welfare practices among Hindus.
  • Caste System: The caste system, rooted in ancient Indian society, classifies individuals into hierarchical social groups based on birth, occupation, and social status. Traditionally, the caste system comprised four main varnas: Brahmins (priests and scholars), Kshatriyas (warriors and rulers), Vaishyas (merchants and farmers), and Shudras (laborers). While individuals have made efforts to eradicate caste discrimination and promote social equality, challenges persist, including caste-based discrimination, social exclusion, and disparities in access to education and opportunities.
  • Importance of Family, Community, and Guru-Disciple Relationship: Hindu society considers the family (kutumb) as the cornerstone, providing emotional support, moral guidance, and continuity of cultural traditions. The community (sangha) plays a vital role in fostering social cohesion, collective worship, and mutual assistance among its members. In Hinduism, disciples revere the guru-disciple relationship, with spiritual teachers (gurus) guiding them on self-discovery, moral conduct, and spiritual realization.
  • Stewardship of Nature: Hinduism reveres nature as sacred and emphasizes the interconnectedness of all living beings with the environment. The concept of vasudhaiva kutumbakam (the world is one family) underscores the need for responsible stewardship and sustainable living practices. Environmental ethics in Hinduism advocate reverence for rivers, mountains, plants, and animals, promoting ecological balance and preserving natural resources.

Influence of Hinduism on Indian Culture and Beyond

The influence of Hinduism on Indian culture and beyond is profound, touching every aspect of life, including spirituality, art, philosophy, literature, and societal norms. Here’s an exploration of its impact:

  • Spirituality and Philosophy: Hinduism has shaped the spiritual landscape of India, providing a diverse array of philosophical perspectives and spiritual practices. Concepts such as karma, dharma, moksha, and reincarnation have permeated Indian thought and influenced the understanding of life, death, and the purpose of existence.
  • Art and Architecture: With their intricate carvings, majestic spires, and sacred sculptures, Hindu temples serve as architectural marvels and centers of spiritual worship. Iconography and symbolism in Hindu art reflect divine narratives, mythological stories, and spiritual teachings, conveying deeper philosophical truths to devotees and visitors alike.
  • Literature and Epics: The epics Ramayana and Mahabharata, along with other ancient texts like the Vedas and Upanishads, form the literary backbone of Hinduism. These narratives contain moral lessons, ethical dilemmas, and profound insights into human nature, shaping cultural identity and values across generations.
  • Philosophical Traditions: Hindu philosophy encompasses diverse schools of thought, including Advaita Vedanta, Samkhya, Yoga, Nyaya, and Vaisheshika, offering unique metaphysics, ethics, and epistemology perspectives. These philosophical traditions have influenced not only Indian thought but also global philosophical discourse, fostering dialogue and exchange across cultural boundaries.
  • Social Customs and Traditions: Hindu rituals, festivals, and social customs are deeply ingrained in Indian society, fostering a sense of community, continuity, and spiritual connection. Practices such as puja (worship), samskaras (life-cycle rituals), and sankirtan (devotional singing) serve as avenues for cultural expression and spiritual devotion.
  • Cultural Expressions and Performing Arts: Indian classical dance forms like Bharatanatyam, Kathak, Odissi, and Kuchipudi are infused with Hindu mythology and spirituality themes, serving as mediums for storytelling, expression, and devotion. Hindu themes, symbols, and metaphors have enriched music, poetry, and literature in Sanskrit, Tamil, Hindi, and Bengali languages.
  • Diaspora Communities and Global Influence: Hinduism has transcended geographical boundaries, with millions of adherents forming vibrant diaspora communities worldwide. The spread of yoga, meditation, Ayurveda, and vegetarianism reflects the global influence of Hindu spirituality and holistic wellness practices.

Contemporary Challenges and Responses

In the contemporary context, Hinduism faces various challenges that necessitate thoughtful responses from practitioners, scholars, and leaders. Here are some of the key challenges and potential responses:

1. Secularism and Religious Pluralism

  • Challenge: In pluralistic societies, maintaining the principles of secularism while preserving Hinduism’s cultural and religious identity can be challenging.
  • Response: Emphasize the inclusive and pluralistic nature of Hinduism, promoting dialogue, understanding, and respect for diverse religious beliefs and practices.

2. Hinduism in the Modern World

  • Challenge: The rapid pace of globalization , technological advancements, and societal changes present new opportunities and challenges for Hindu communities worldwide.
  • Response: Adapt traditional teachings and practices to address contemporary issues such as environmental sustainability, social justice , and ethical dilemmas posed by technological advancements.

3. Addressing Social Issues

  • Challenge: Persistent social issues such as caste discrimination, gender inequality , poverty, and social injustice continue to affect Hindu society.
  • Response: Advocate for social reforms, education, and awareness programs that promote equality, social justice, and empowerment of marginalized communities within Hinduism.

4. Interfaith Dialogue and Harmony

  • Challenge: Interfaith tensions and conflicts between religious communities can arise due to misunderstandings, stereotypes, and historical grievances.
  • Response: Engage in interfaith dialogue, collaborative initiatives, and mutual respect to promote understanding, cooperation, and peaceful coexistence among diverse religious groups.

5. Preservation of Cultural Heritage

  • Challenge: Rapid urbanization, modernization, and globalization threaten the preservation of Hindu cultural heritage, sacred sites, and traditional practices.
  • Response: Undertake efforts to document, preserve, and promote Hindu cultural heritage, including ancient temples, art forms, rituals, and languages , through education, advocacy, and conservation initiatives.

6. Promoting Ethics and Values

  • Challenge: Ethical dilemmas, moral relativism, and materialistic values challenge Hinduism’s ethical foundations and moral teachings.
  • Response: Emphasize the ethical teachings of Hindu scriptures, including principles of ahimsa (non-violence), dharma (duty), karma (action), and seva (selfless service), to guide individuals in making ethical choices and leading virtuous lives.

7. Role of Hinduism in Promoting Peace

  • Challenge: Political conflicts, religious extremism, and communal tensions threaten peace and stability in various regions with Hindu populations.
  • Response: Advocate for peacebuilding, reconciliation, and conflict resolution efforts rooted in the principles of compassion, tolerance, and non-violence espoused by Hinduism.

With its ancient roots and profound teachings, Hinduism continues to guide cultural, spiritual, and ethical landscapes. Despite facing contemporary challenges, such as social issues and the need for adaptation to a rapidly changing world, Hinduism offers a resilient framework. Through introspection, dialogue, and an emphasis on timeless values, Hindu communities can contribute to global harmony, peace, and understanding. The enduring wisdom of Hindu philosophy serves as a beacon, inspiring individuals to navigate the complexities of the modern era while upholding the timeless principles of compassion, righteousness, and spiritual enlightenment.

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essay on hindu religion in hindi

In the courtyard where Hersh Goldberg-Polin danced on Oct. 6, grief and anger reign after his death

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Shira Ben-Sasson, a founder of the Hakhel synagogue in Jerusalem, lights a candle in memory of Hersh Goldberg-Polin, Sept. 1, 2024. (Deborah Danan)

Shira Ben-Sasson, a founder of the Hakhel synagogue in Jerusalem, lights a candle in memory of Hersh Goldberg-Polin, Sept. 1, 2024. (Deborah Danan)

By Deborah Danan September 1, 2024

( JTA ) — JERUSALEM — Three hundred and thirty-two days after Hersh Goldberg-Polin danced in the courtyard next to his Jerusalem synagogue on the holiday of Simchat Torah, more than a thousand people gathered there in grief and prayer to mourn his murder by Hamas terrorists in Gaza.

During the Sunday night vigil, the courtyard railings were lined with oversized yellow ribbons to symbolize advocacy for the hostages, Hapoel Jerusalem soccer flags — the 23-year-old’s favorite team — and posters that read, “We love you, stay strong, survive,” a mantra coined by his mother, Rachel Goldberg-Polin.

Just hours earlier, one of the posters had been hanging over the balcony of the home of Shira Ben-Sasson, a leader of Hakhel, the Goldberg-Polins’ egalitarian congregation in the Baka neighborhood of Jerusalem.

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“We were sure we would take it down when he came home,” Ben Sasson said.

The community wanted to unite while respecting the Goldberg-Polins’ desire for privacy, she said, prompting them to organize the prayer gathering.

“But it’s like a Band-Aid or giving first aid, it’s what you do in an emergency. I don’t know how we go on after this,” she said.

She added that the community, which has a large contingent of English-speaking immigrants, was not prepared for the High Holidays, which begin in about a month. She said, “Seeing his empty seat is hard.”

For Ben-Sasson, who wore a T-shirt bearing the Talmudic dictum “There is no greater mitzvah than the redeeming of captives,” the tragedy is especially painful because, she said, it could have been avoided with a ceasefire agreement that freed hostages.

“Hersh was alive 48 hours ago. We think a deal could have saved him. There is no military solution to this,” she said.

That feeling of bereavement, often mixed with betrayal, pervaded gatherings across Israel on Sunday, as the country struggled with the news that six hostages who may have been freed in an agreement were now dead as negotiations continue to stall. Speakers at protests in Tel Aviv blamed Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, who himself apologized for not getting the hostages out alive but blamed Hamas for obstructing a deal. The country’s labor union, the Histadrut, has called a national strike on Monday to demand a deal.

Some at the Jerusalem gathering, including the relative of another former hostage, said Netanyahu had chosen defeating Hamas over freeing the captives.

Josef Avi Yair Engel, whose grandson Ofir was released from Hamas captivity in November during that month’s ceasefire deal, expressed shock over Hersh’s murder but said he was not surprised, given the wartime policies of Netanyahu’s government.

“We knew months ago this was going to happen. Bibi’s formula, to dismantle Hamas and return the hostages, wasn’t logical. It’s an either/or situation,” Engel said, referring to Netanyahu by his nickname. “He’s tearing the country apart. I’m afraid that in the coming months there won’t be a state at all.”

Engel said he felt a close bond with Hersh’s father Jon Polin, not only because of their joint activism in the hostage families’ tent outside the Prime Minister’s Residence, but also because of their shared identity as Jerusalemites.

“There aren’t many of us in the hostage circle,” he said. “We’re like family.”

Sarah Mann, who did not know the family personally, said the weekend’s tragedy reminded her of Oct. 7.

“This day has sparks of the seventh, which created numbness and an inability to talk. Just complete shock,” she said.

Part of the reason for that, Mann said, was Rachel, who she described as a “force of faith.” Goldberg-Polin’s mother emerged as the most prominent advocate for the hostages globally and became a symbol in her own right as she crisscrossed the world calling for her son’s freedom.

“Millions of people around the world held onto her. Once that was cut, people’s ability to hold onto faith was knocked out today. But even though this has shattered us, we need to keep holding onto God,” Mann said.

For Susi Döring Preston, the day called to mind was not Oct. 7 but Yom Kippur, and its communal solemnity.

She said she usually steers clear of similar war-related events because they are too overwhelming for her.

“Before I avoided stuff like this because I guess I still had hope. But now is the time to just give in to needing to be around people because you can’t hold your own self up any more,” she said, tears rolling down her face. “You need to feel the humanity and hang onto that.”

Like so many others, Döring Preston paid tribute to the Goldberg-Polins’ tireless activism. “They needed everyone else’s strength but we drew so much strength from them and their efforts, “she said. “You felt it could change the outcome. But war is more evil than good. I think that’s the crushing thing. You can do everything right, but the outcome is still devastating.”

Guy Gordon, a member of Hakhel who moved to Israel from Dublin, Ireland, in the mid-1990s, said the efforts towards ensuring Hersh’s safe return have been an anchor for the community during the war.

“It gave us something to hope for, and pray for and to demonstrate for,” he said. “We had no choice but to be unreasonably optimistic. Tragically it transpired that he survived until the very end.”

Gordon, like many others in the crowd, wore a piece of duct tape marked with the number of days since Oct. 7 — a gesture initiated by Goldberg-Polin’s mother. Unlike on previous days, though, his tape also featured a broken red heart beside the number.

Nadia Levene, a family friend, also reflected on the improbability of Hersh’s survival.

“He did exactly what his parents begged him to do. He was strong. He did survive. And look what happened,” Levene said.

She hailed Rachel Goldberg-Polin’s “unwavering strength and belief in God,” adding, “There were times I lost faith. I suppose I was angry with God. But she just kept inspiring us all to pray, pray, pray.”

Jerusalem resident Leah Silver rejected politicizing the hostages’ deaths.

“Everything turns political so quickly. I came here because I felt that before all the protests, we need to just mourn for a moment and to pray. And show respect for each other,” she said. “We’ve become confused about who the enemy is. It’s very sad.”

But not everyone at the gathering joined in to sing Israel’s national anthem at the closing of the prayer gathering.

“I’m sorry, I can’t sing ‘Hatikvah,’” Reza Green, a Baka resident who did not know the Goldberg-Polins personally, said. “I’m too angry. We shouldn’t be here.”

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Heilbrunn Timeline of Art History Essays

Hinduism and hindu art.

Krishna Killing the Horse Demon Keshi

Krishna Killing the Horse Demon Keshi

Standing Four-Armed Vishnu

Standing Four-Armed Vishnu

Linga with Face of Shiva (Ekamukhalinga)

Linga with Face of Shiva (Ekamukhalinga)

Standing Parvati

Standing Parvati

Shiva as Lord of Dance (Nataraja)

Shiva as Lord of Dance (Nataraja)

Standing Ganesha

Standing Ganesha

Standing Female Deity, probably Durga

Standing Female Deity, probably Durga

Ardhanarishvara (Composite of Shiva and Parvati)

Ardhanarishvara (Composite of Shiva and Parvati)

Vaikuntha Vishnu

Vaikuntha Vishnu

Krishna on Garuda

Krishna on Garuda

Durga as Slayer of the Buffalo Demon Mahishasura

Durga as Slayer of the Buffalo Demon Mahishasura

Seated Ganesha

Seated Ganesha

Kneeling Female Figure

Kneeling Female Figure

Seated Ganesha

Hanuman Conversing

The Goddess Durga Slaying the Demon Buffalo Mahisha

The Goddess Durga Slaying the Demon Buffalo Mahisha

Loving Couple (Mithuna)

Loving Couple (Mithuna)

Karaikkal Ammaiyar, Shaiva Saint

Karaikkal Ammaiyar, Shaiva Saint

Vidya Dehejia Department of Art History and Archaeology, Columbia University

February 2007

According to the Hindu view, there are four goals of life on earth, and each human being should aspire to all four. Everyone should aim for dharma , or righteous living; artha , or wealth acquired through the pursuit of a profession; kama , or human and sexual love; and, finally, moksha , or spiritual salvation.

This holistic view is reflected as well as in the artistic production of India. Although a Hindu temple is dedicated to the glory of a deity and is aimed at helping the devotee toward moksha , its walls might justifiably contain sculptures that reflect the other three goals of life. It is in such a context that we may best understand the many sensuous and apparently secular themes that decorate the walls of Indian temples.

Hinduism is a religion that had no single founder, no single spokesman, no single prophet. Its origins are mixed and complex. One strand can be traced back to the sacred Sanskrit literature of the Aryans, the Vedas, which consist of hymns in praise of deities who were often personifications of the natural elements. Another strand drew on the beliefs prevalent among groups of indigenous peoples, especially the faith in the power of the mother goddess and in the efficacy of fertility symbols. Hinduism, in the form comparable to its present-day expression, emerged at about the start of the Christian era, with an emphasis on the supremacy of the god Vishnu, the god Shiva, and the goddess Shakti (literally, “Power”).

The pluralism evident in Hinduism, as well as its acceptance of the existence of several deities, is often puzzling to non-Hindus. Hindus suggest that one may view the Infinite as a diamond of innumerable facets. One or another facet—be it Rama, Krishna, or Ganesha—may beckon an individual believer with irresistible magnetism. By acknowledging the power of an individual facet and worshipping it, the believer does not thereby deny the existence of many aspects of the Infinite and of varied paths toward the ultimate goal.

Deities are frequently portrayed with multiple arms, especially when they are engaged in combative acts of cosmic consequence that involve destroying powerful forces of evil. The multiplicity of arms emphasizes the immense power of the deity and his or her ability to perform several feats at the same time. The Indian artist found this a simple and an effective means of expressing the omnipresence and omnipotence of a deity. Demons are frequently portrayed with multiple heads to indicate their superhuman power. The occasional depiction of a deity with more than one head is generally motivated by the desire to portray varying aspects of the character of that deity. Thus, when the god Shiva is portrayed with a triple head, the central face indicates his essential character and the flanking faces depict his fierce and blissful aspects.

The Hindu Temple Architecture and sculpture are inextricably linked in India . Thus, if one speaks of Indian architecture without taking note of the lavish sculptured decoration with which monuments are covered, a partial and distorted picture is presented. In the Hindu temple , large niches in the three exterior walls of the sanctum house sculpted images that portray various aspects of the deity enshrined within. The sanctum image expresses the essence of the deity. For instance, the niches of a temple dedicated to a Vishnu may portray his incarnations; those of a temple to Shiva , his various combative feats; and those of a temple to the Great Goddess, her battles with various demons. Regional variations exist, too; in the eastern state of Odisha, for example, the niches of a temple to Shiva customarily contain images of his family—his consort, Parvati, and their sons, Ganesha, the god of overcoming obstacles, and warlike Skanda.

The exterior of the halls and porch are also covered with figural sculpture. A series of niches highlight events from the mythology of the enshrined deity, and frequently a place is set aside for a variety of other gods. In addition, temple walls feature repeated banks of scroll-like foliage, images of women, and loving couples known as mithunas . Signifying growth, abundance, and prosperity, they were considered auspicious motifs.

Dehejia, Vidya. “Hinduism and Hindu Art.” In Heilbrunn Timeline of Art History . New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 2000–. http://www.metmuseum.org/toah/hd/hind/hd_hind.htm (February 2007)

Further Reading

Dehejia, Vidya. Indian Art . London: Phaidon, 1997.

Eck, Diana L. Darsan: Seeing the Divine Image in India. 2d ed . Chamberburg, Pa.: Anima Books, 1985.

Michell, George. The Hindu Temple: An Introduction to Its Meaning and Forms. Reprint . Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1988.

Mitter, Partha. Indian Art . Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001.

Additional Essays by Vidya Dehejia

  • Dehejia, Vidya. “ Buddhism and Buddhist Art .” (February 2007)
  • Dehejia, Vidya. “ Recognizing the Gods .” (February 2007)
  • Dehejia, Vidya. “ South Asian Art and Culture .” (February 2007)

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Religion in India: Tolerance and Segregation

Indians say it is important to respect all religions, but major religious groups see little in common and want to live separately, table of contents.

  • The dimensions of Hindu nationalism in India
  • India’s Muslims express pride in being Indian while identifying communal tensions, desiring segregation
  • Muslims, Hindus diverge over legacy of Partition
  • Religious conversion in India
  • Religion very important across India’s religious groups
  • Near-universal belief in God, but wide variation in how God is perceived
  • Across India’s religious groups, widespread sharing of beliefs, practices, values
  • Religious identity in India: Hindus divided on whether belief in God is required to be a Hindu, but most say eating beef is disqualifying
  • Sikhs are proud to be Punjabi and Indian
  • Most Indians say they and others are very free to practice their religion
  • Most people do not see evidence of widespread religious discrimination in India
  • Most Indians report no recent discrimination based on their religion
  • In Northeast India, people perceive more religious discrimination
  • Most Indians see communal violence as a very big problem in the country
  • Indians divided on the legacy of Partition for Hindu-Muslim relations
  • More Indians say religious diversity benefits their country than say it is harmful
  • Indians are highly knowledgeable about their own religion, less so about other religions
  • Substantial shares of Buddhists, Sikhs say they have worshipped at religious venues other than their own
  • One-in-five Muslims in India participate in celebrations of Diwali
  • Members of both large and small religious groups mostly keep friendships within religious lines
  • Most Indians are willing to accept members of other religious communities as neighbors, but many express reservations
  • Indians generally marry within same religion
  • Most Hindus, Muslims, Sikhs and Jains strongly support stopping interreligious marriage
  • India’s religious groups vary in their caste composition
  • Indians in lower castes largely do not perceive widespread discrimination against their groups
  • Most Indians do not have recent experience with caste discrimination
  • Most Indians OK with Scheduled Caste neighbors
  • Indians generally do not have many close friends in different castes
  • Large shares of Indians say men, women should be stopped from marrying outside of their caste
  • Most Indians say being a member of their religious group is not only about religion
  • Common ground across major religious groups on what is essential to religious identity
  • India’s religious groups vary on what disqualifies someone from their religion
  • Hindus say eating beef, disrespecting India, celebrating Eid incompatible with being Hindu
  • Muslims place stronger emphasis than Hindus on religious practices for identity
  • Many Hindus, Muslims, Buddhists do not identify with a sect
  • Sufism has at least some followers in every major Indian religious group
  • Large majorities say Indian culture is superior to others
  • What constitutes ‘true’ Indian identity?
  • Large gaps between religious groups in 2019 election voting patterns
  • No consensus on whether democracy or strong leader best suited to lead India
  • Majorities support politicians being involved in religious matters
  • Indian Muslims favor their own religious courts; other religious groups less supportive
  • Most Indians do not support allowing triple talaq for Muslims
  • Southern Indians least likely to say religion is very important in their life
  • Most Indians give to charitable causes
  • Majorities of Hindus, Muslims, Christians and Jains in India pray daily
  • More Indians practice puja at home than at temple
  • Most Hindus do not read or listen to religious books frequently
  • Most Indians have an altar or shrine in their home for worship
  • Religious pilgrimages common across most religious groups in India
  • Most Hindus say they have received purification from a holy body of water
  • Roughly half of Indian adults meditate at least weekly
  • Only about a third of Indians ever practice yoga
  • Nearly three-quarters of Christians sing devotionally
  • Most Muslims and few Jains say they have participated in or witnessed animal sacrifice for religious purposes
  • Most Indians schedule key life events based on auspicious dates
  • About half of Indians watch religious programs weekly
  • For Hindus, nationalism associated with greater religious observance
  • Indians value marking lifecycle events with religious rituals
  • Most Indian parents say they are raising their children in a religion
  • Fewer than half of Indian parents say their children receive religious instruction outside the home
  • Vast majority of Sikhs say it is very important that their children keep their hair long
  • Half or more of Hindus, Muslims and Christians wear religious pendants
  • Most Hindu, Muslim and Sikh women cover their heads outside the home
  • Slim majority of Hindu men say they wear a tilak, fewer wear a janeu
  • Eight-in-ten Muslim men in India wear a skullcap
  • Majority of Sikh men wear a turban
  • Muslim and Sikh men generally keep beards
  • Most Indians are not vegetarians, but majorities do follow at least some restrictions on meat in their diet
  • One-in-five Hindus abstain from eating root vegetables
  • Fewer than half of vegetarian Hindus willing to eat in non-vegetarian settings
  • Indians evenly split about willingness to eat meals with hosts who have different religious rules about food
  • Majority of Indians say they fast
  • More Hindus say there are multiple ways to interpret Hinduism than say there is only one true way
  • Most Indians across different religious groups believe in karma
  • Most Hindus, Jains believe in Ganges’ power to purify
  • Belief in reincarnation is not widespread in India
  • More Hindus and Jains than Sikhs believe in moksha (liberation from the cycle of rebirth)
  • Most Hindus, Muslims, Christians believe in heaven
  • Nearly half of Indian Christians believe in miracles
  • Most Muslims in India believe in Judgment Day
  • Most Indians believe in fate, fewer believe in astrology
  • Many Hindus and Muslims say magic, witchcraft or sorcery can influence people’s lives
  • Roughly half of Indians trust religious ritual to treat health problems
  • Lower-caste Christians much more likely than General Category Christians to hold both Christian and non-Christian beliefs
  • Nearly all Indians believe in God
  • Few Indians believe ‘there are many gods’
  • Many Hindus feel close to Shiva
  • Many Indians believe God can be manifested in other people
  • Indians almost universally ask God for good health, prosperity, forgiveness
  • Acknowledgments
  • Questionnaire design
  • Sample design and weighting
  • Precision of estimates
  • Response rates
  • Significant events during fieldwork
  • Appendix B: Index of religious segregation

essay on hindu religion in hindi

This study is Pew Research Center’s most comprehensive, in-depth exploration of India to date. For this report, we surveyed 29,999 Indian adults (including 22,975 who identify as Hindu, 3,336 who identify as Muslim, 1,782 who identify as Sikh, 1,011 who identify as Christian, 719 who identify as Buddhist, 109 who identify as Jain and 67 who identify as belonging to another religion or as religiously unaffiliated). Interviews for this nationally representative survey were conducted face-to-face under the direction of RTI International from Nov. 17, 2019, to March 23, 2020.

To improve respondent comprehension of survey questions and to ensure all questions were culturally appropriate, Pew Research Center followed a multi-phase questionnaire development process that included expert review, focus groups, cognitive interviews, a pretest and a regional pilot survey before the national survey. The questionnaire was developed in English and translated into 16 languages, independently verified by professional linguists with native proficiency in regional dialects.

Respondents were selected using a probability-based sample design that would allow for robust analysis of all major religious groups in India – Hindus, Muslims, Christians, Sikhs, Buddhists and Jains – as well as all major regional zones. Data was weighted to account for the different probabilities of selection among respondents and to align with demographic benchmarks for the Indian adult population from the 2011 census. The survey is calculated to have covered 98% of Indians ages 18 and older and had an 86% national response rate.

For more information, see the  Methodology  for this report. The questions used in this analysis can be found  here .

India is majority Hindu, but religious minorities have sizable populations

More than 70 years after India became free from colonial rule, Indians generally feel their country has lived up to one of its post-independence ideals: a society where followers of many religions can live and practice freely.

India’s massive population is diverse as well as devout. Not only do most of the world’s Hindus, Jains and Sikhs live in India, but it also is home to one of the world’s largest Muslim populations and to millions of Christians and Buddhists.

A major new Pew Research Center survey of religion across India, based on nearly 30,000 face-to-face interviews of adults conducted in 17 languages between late 2019 and early 2020 (before the COVID-19 pandemic ), finds that Indians of all these religious backgrounds overwhelmingly say they are very free to practice their faiths.

Related India research

This is one in a series of Pew Research Center reports on India based on a survey of 29,999 Indian adults conducted Nov. 17, 2019, to March 23, 2020, as well as demographic data from the Indian Census and other government sources. Other reports can be found here:

  • How Indians View Gender Roles in Families and Society
  • Religious Composition of India
  • India’s Sex Ratio at Birth Begins To Normalize

Indians see religious tolerance as a central part of who they are as a nation. Across the major religious groups, most people say it is very important to respect all religions to be “truly Indian.” And tolerance is a religious as well as civic value: Indians are united in the view that respecting other religions is a very important part of what it means to be a member of their own religious community.

Indians feel they have religious freedom, see respecting all religions as a core value

These shared values are accompanied by a number of beliefs that cross religious lines. Not only do a majority of Hindus in India (77%) believe in karma, but an identical percentage of Muslims do, too. A third of Christians in India (32%) – together with 81% of Hindus – say they believe in the purifying power of the Ganges River, a central belief in Hinduism. In Northern India, 12% of Hindus and 10% of Sikhs, along with 37% of Muslims, identity with Sufism, a mystical tradition most closely associated with Islam. And the vast majority of Indians of all major religious backgrounds say that respecting elders is very important to their faith.

Yet, despite sharing certain values and religious beliefs – as well as living in the same country, under the same constitution – members of India’s major religious communities often don’t feel they have much in common with one another. The majority of Hindus see themselves as very different from Muslims (66%), and most Muslims return the sentiment, saying they are very different from Hindus (64%). There are a few exceptions: Two-thirds of Jains and about half of Sikhs say they have a lot in common with Hindus. But generally, people in India’s major religious communities tend to see themselves as very different from others.

India’s religious groups generally see themselves as very different from each other

This perception of difference is reflected in traditions and habits that maintain the separation of India’s religious groups. For example, marriages across religious lines – and, relatedly, religious conversions – are exceedingly rare (see Chapter 3 ). Many Indians, across a range of religious groups, say it is very important to stop people in their community from marrying into other religious groups. Roughly two-thirds of Hindus in India want to prevent interreligious marriages of Hindu women (67%) or Hindu men (65%). Even larger shares of Muslims feel similarly: 80% say it is very important to stop Muslim women from marrying outside their religion, and 76% say it is very important to stop Muslim men from doing so.

Stopping religious intermarriage is a high priority for Hindus, Muslims and others in India

Moreover, Indians generally stick to their own religious group when it comes to their friends. Hindus overwhelmingly say that most or all of their close friends are also Hindu. Of course, Hindus make up the majority of the population, and as a result of sheer numbers, may be more likely to interact with fellow Hindus than with people of other religions. But even among Sikhs and Jains, who each form a sliver of the national population, a large majority say their friends come mainly or entirely from their small religious community.

Fewer Indians go so far as to say that their neighborhoods should consist only of people from their own religious group. Still, many would prefer to keep people of certain religions out of their residential areas or villages. For example, many Hindus (45%) say they are fine with having neighbors of all other religions – be they Muslim, Christian, Sikh, Buddhist or Jain – but an identical share (45%) say they would not be willing to accept followers of at least one of these groups, including more than one-in-three Hindus (36%) who do not want a Muslim as a neighbor. Among Jains, a majority (61%) say they are unwilling to have neighbors from at least one of these groups, including 54% who would not accept a Muslim neighbor, although nearly all Jains (92%) say they would be willing to accept a Hindu neighbor.

Substantial minorities would not accept followers of other religions as neighbors

Indians, then, simultaneously express enthusiasm for religious tolerance and a consistent preference for keeping their religious communities in segregated spheres – they live together separately . These two sentiments may seem paradoxical, but for many Indians they are not.

Indeed, many take both positions, saying it is important to be tolerant of others and expressing a desire to limit personal connections across religious lines. Indians who favor a religiously segregated society also overwhelmingly emphasize religious tolerance as a core value. For example, among Hindus who say it is very important to stop the interreligious marriage of Hindu women, 82% also say that respecting other religions is very important to what it means to be Hindu. This figure is nearly identical to the 85% who strongly value religious tolerance among those who are not at all concerned with stopping interreligious marriage.

In other words, Indians’ concept of religious tolerance does not necessarily involve the mixing of religious communities. While people in some countries may aspire to create a “melting pot” of different religious identities, many Indians seem to prefer a country more like a patchwork fabric, with clear lines between groups.

Most Hindus in India say being Hindu, being able to speak Hindi are very important to be ‘truly’ Indian

One of these religious fault lines – the relationship between India’s Hindu majority and the country’s smaller religious communities – has particular relevance in public life, especially in recent years under the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). Led by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, the BJP is often described as promoting a Hindu nationalist ideology .

The survey finds that Hindus tend to see their religious identity and Indian national identity as closely intertwined: Nearly two-thirds of Hindus (64%) say it is very important to be Hindu to be “truly” Indian.

Support for BJP higher among Hindu voters who link being Hindu, speaking Hindi with Indian identity

Most Hindus (59%) also link Indian identity with being able to speak Hindi – one of dozens of languages that are widely spoken in India. And these two dimensions of national identity – being able to speak Hindi and being a Hindu – are closely connected. Among Hindus who say it is very important to be Hindu to be truly Indian, fully 80% also say it is very important to speak Hindi to be truly Indian.

The BJP’s appeal is greater among Hindus who closely associate their religious identity and the Hindi language with being “truly Indian.” In the 2019 national elections, 60% of Hindu voters who think it is very important to be Hindu and to speak Hindi to be truly Indian cast their vote for the BJP, compared with only a third among Hindu voters who feel less strongly about both these aspects of national identity.

Overall, among those who voted in the 2019 elections, three-in-ten Hindus take all three positions: saying it is very important to be Hindu to be truly Indian; saying the same about speaking Hindi; and casting their ballot for the BJP.

These views are considerably more common among Hindus in the largely Hindi-speaking Northern and Central regions of the country, where roughly half of all Hindu voters fall into this category, compared with just 5% in the South.

Among Hindus, large regional divides on views of national identity and politics

Whether Hindus who meet all three of these criteria qualify as “Hindu nationalists” may be debated, but they do express a heightened desire for maintaining clear lines between Hindus and other religious groups when it comes to whom they marry, who their friends are and whom they live among. For example, among Hindu BJP voters who link national identity with both religion and language, 83% say it is very important to stop Hindu women from marrying into another religion, compared with 61% among other Hindu voters.

This group also tends to be more religiously observant: 95% say religion is very important in their lives, and roughly three-quarters say they pray daily (73%). By comparison, among other Hindu voters, a smaller majority (80%) say religion is very important in their lives, and about half (53%) pray daily.

Even though Hindu BJP voters who link national identity with religion and language are more inclined to support a religiously segregated India, they also are  more  likely than other Hindu voters to express positive opinions about India’s religious diversity. Nearly two-thirds (65%) of this group – Hindus who say that being a Hindu and being able to speak Hindi are very important to be truly Indian  and  who voted for the BJP in 2019 – say religious diversity benefits India, compared with about half (47%) of other Hindu voters.

Hindus who see Hindu and Indian identity as closely tied express positive views about diversity

This finding suggests that for many Hindus, there is no contradiction between valuing religious diversity (at least in principle) and feeling that Hindus are somehow more authentically Indian than fellow citizens who follow other religions.

Among Indians overall, there is no overwhelming consensus on the benefits of religious diversity. On balance, more Indians see diversity as a benefit than view it as a liability for their country: Roughly half (53%) of Indian adults say India’s religious diversity benefits the country, while about a quarter (24%) see diversity as harmful, with similar figures among both Hindus and Muslims. But 24% of Indians do not take a clear position either way – they say diversity neither benefits nor harms the country, or they decline to answer the question. (See Chapter 2 for a discussion of attitudes toward diversity.)

Vast majority of India’s Muslims say Indian culture is superior

India’s Muslim community, the second-largest religious group in the country, historically has had a complicated relationship with the Hindu majority. The two communities generally have lived peacefully side by side for centuries, but their shared history also is checkered by civil unrest and violence. Most recently, while the survey was being conducted, demonstrations broke out in parts of New Delhi and elsewhere over the government’s new citizenship law , which creates an expedited path to citizenship for immigrants from some neighboring countries – but not Muslims.

Today, India’s Muslims almost unanimously say they are very proud to be Indian (95%), and they express great enthusiasm for Indian culture: 85% agree with the statement that “Indian people are not perfect, but Indian culture is superior to others.”

Overall, one-in-five Muslims say they have personally faced religious discrimination recently, but views vary by region

Relatively few Muslims say their community faces “a lot” of discrimination in India (24%). In fact, the share of Muslims who see widespread discrimination against their community is similar to the share of Hindus who say Hindus face widespread religious discrimination in India (21%). (See Chapter 1 for a discussion of attitudes on religious discrimination.)

But personal experiences with discrimination among Muslims vary quite a bit regionally. Among Muslims in the North, 40% say they personally have faced religious discrimination in the last 12 months – much higher levels than reported in most other regions.

In addition, most Muslims across the country (65%), along with an identical share of Hindus (65%), see communal violence as a very big national problem. (See Chapter 1 for a discussion of Indians’ attitudes toward national problems.)

Muslims in India support having access to their own religious courts

Like Hindus, Muslims prefer to live religiously segregated lives – not just when it comes to marriage and friendships, but also in some elements of public life. In particular, three-quarters of Muslims in India (74%) support having access to the existing system of Islamic courts, which handle family disputes (such as inheritance or divorce cases), in addition to the secular court system.

Muslims’ desire for religious segregation does not preclude tolerance of other groups – again similar to the pattern seen among Hindus. Indeed, a majority of Muslims who favor separate religious courts for their community say religious diversity benefits India (59%), compared with somewhat fewer of those who oppose religious courts for Muslims (50%).

Sidebar: Islamic courts in India

Since 1937, India’s Muslims have had the option of resolving family and inheritance-related cases in officially recognized Islamic courts, known as dar-ul-qaza. These courts are overseen by religious magistrates known as qazi and operate under Shariah principles . For example, while the rules of inheritance for most Indians are governed by the Indian Succession Act of 1925 and the Hindu Succession Act of 1956 (amended in 2005), Islamic inheritance practices differ in some ways, including who can be considered an heir and how much of the deceased person’s property they can inherit. India’s inheritance laws also take into account the differing traditions of other religious communities, such as Hindus and Christians, but their cases are handled in secular courts. Only the Muslim community has the option of having cases tried by a separate system of family courts. The decisions of the religious courts, however, are not legally binding , and the parties involved have the option of taking their case to secular courts if they are not satisfied with the decision of the religious court.

As of 2021, there are roughly 70 dar-ul-qaza in India. Most are in the states of Maharashtra and Uttar Pradesh. Goa is the only state that does not recognize rulings by these courts, enforcing its own uniform civil code instead. Dar-ul-qaza are overseen by the All India Muslim Personal Law Board .

While these courts can grant divorces among Muslims, they are prohibited from approving divorces initiated through the practice known as triple talaq, in which a Muslim man instantly divorces his wife by saying the Arabic/Urdu word “talaq” (meaning “divorce”) three times. This practice was deemed unconstitutional by the Indian Supreme Court in 2017 and formally outlawed by the Lok Sabha, the lower house of India’s Parliament, in 2019. 1

Recent debates have emerged around Islamic courts. Some Indians have expressed concern that the rise of dar-ul-qaza could undermine the Indian judiciary, because a subset of the population is not bound to the same laws as everyone else. Others have argued that the rulings of Islamic courts are particularly unfair to women, although the prohibition of triple talaq may temper some of these criticisms. In its 2019 political manifesto , the BJP proclaimed a desire to create a national Uniform Civil Code, saying it would increase gender equality.

Some Indian commentators have voiced opposition to Islamic courts along with more broadly negative sentiments against Muslims, describing the rising numbers of dar-ul-qaza as the “Talibanization” of India , for example.

On the other hand, Muslim scholars have defended the dar-ul-qaza, saying they expedite justice because family disputes that would otherwise clog India’s courts can be handled separately, allowing the secular courts to focus their attention on other concerns.

Since 2018, the Hindu nationalist party Hindu Mahasabha (which does not hold any seats in Parliament) has tried to set up Hindu religious courts , known as Hindutva courts, aiming to play a role similar to dar-ul-qaza, only for the majority Hindu community. None of these courts have been recognized by the Indian government, and their rulings are not considered legally binding.

The seminal event in the modern history of Hindu-Muslim relations in the region was the partition of the subcontinent into Hindu-majority India and Muslim-majority Pakistan at the end of the British colonial period in 1947. Partition remains one of the largest movements of people across borders in recorded history, and in both countries the carving of new borders was accompanied by violence, rioting and looting .

More Muslims than Hindus in India see partition of the subcontinent as a bad thing for communal relations

More than seven decades later, the predominant view among Indian Muslims is that the partition of the subcontinent was “a bad thing” for Hindu-Muslim relations. Nearly half of Muslims say Partition hurt communal relations with Hindus (48%), while fewer say it was a good thing for Hindu-Muslim relations (30%). Among Muslims who prefer more religious segregation – that is, who say they would not accept a person of a different faith as a neighbor – an even higher share (60%) say Partition was a bad thing for Hindu-Muslim relations.

Sikhs, whose homeland of Punjab was split by Partition, are even more likely than Muslims to say Partition was a bad thing for Hindu-Muslim relations: Two-thirds of Sikhs (66%) take this position. And Sikhs ages 60 and older, whose parents most likely lived through Partition, are more inclined than younger Sikhs to say the partition of the country was bad for communal relations (74% vs. 64%).

While Sikhs and Muslims are more likely to say Partition was a bad thing than a good thing, Hindus lean in the opposite direction: 43% of Hindus say Partition was beneficial for Hindu-Muslim relations, while 37% see it as a bad thing.

Context for the survey

Interviews were conducted after the conclusion of the 2019 national parliamentary elections and after the revocation of Jammu and Kashmir’s special status under the Indian Constitution. In December 2019, protests against the country’s new citizenship law broke out in several regions.

Fieldwork could not be conducted in the Kashmir Valley and a few districts elsewhere due to security concerns. These locations include some heavily Muslim areas, which is part of the reason why Muslims make up 11% of the survey’s total sample, while India’s adult population is roughly 13% Muslim, according to the most recent census data that is publicly available, from 2011. In addition, it is possible that in some other parts of the country, interreligious tensions over the new citizenship law may have slightly depressed participation in the survey by potential Muslim respondents.

Nevertheless, the survey’s estimates of religious beliefs, behaviors and attitudes can be reported with a high degree of confidence for India’s total population, because the number of people living in the excluded areas (Manipur, Sikkim, the Kashmir Valley and a few other districts) is not large enough to affect the overall results at the national level. About 98% of India’s total population had a chance of being selected for this survey.

Greater caution is warranted when looking at India’s Muslims separately, as a distinct population. The survey cannot speak to the experiences and views of Kashmiri Muslims. Still, the survey does represent the beliefs, behaviors and attitudes of around 95% of India’s overall Muslim population.

These are among the key findings of a Pew Research Center survey conducted face-to-face nationally among 29,999 Indian adults. Local interviewers administered the survey between Nov. 17, 2019, and March 23, 2020, in 17 languages. The survey covered all states and union territories of India, with the exceptions of Manipur and Sikkim, where the rapidly developing COVID-19 situation prevented fieldwork from starting in the spring of 2020, and the remote territories of the Andaman and Nicobar Islands and Lakshadweep; these areas are home to about a quarter of 1% of the Indian population. The union territory of Jammu and Kashmir was covered by the survey, though no fieldwork was conducted in the Kashmir region itself due to security concerns.

This study, funded by The Pew Charitable Trusts and the John Templeton Foundation, is part of a larger effort by Pew Research Center to understand religious change and its impact on societies around the world. The Center previously has conducted religion-focused surveys across sub-Saharan Africa ; the Middle East-North Africa region and many other countries with large Muslim populations ; Latin America ; Israel ; Central and Eastern Europe ; Western Europe ; and the United States .

The rest of this Overview covers attitudes on five broad topics: caste and discrimination; religious conversion; religious observances and beliefs; how people define their religious identity, including what kind of behavior is considered acceptable to be a Hindu or a Muslim; and the connection between economic development and religious observance.

Caste is another dividing line in Indian society, and not just among Hindus

Religion is not the only fault line in Indian society. In some regions of the country, significant shares of people perceive widespread, caste-based discrimination.

The caste system is an ancient social hierarchy based on occupation and economic status. People are born into a particular caste and tend to keep many aspects of their social life within its boundaries, including whom they marry. Even though the system’s origins are in historical Hindu writings , today Indians nearly universally identify with a caste, regardless of whether they are Hindu, Muslim, Christian, Sikh, Buddhist or Jain.

Overall, the majority of Indian adults say they are a member of a Scheduled Caste (SC) – often referred to as Dalits (25%) – Scheduled Tribe (ST) (9%) or Other Backward Class (OBC) (35%). 2

Most Indians say they belong to a Scheduled Caste, Scheduled Tribe or Other Backward Class

Buddhists in India nearly universally identify themselves in these categories, including 89% who are Dalits (sometimes referred to by the pejorative term “untouchables”).

Members of SC/ST/OBC groups traditionally formed the lower social and economic rungs of Indian society, and historically they have faced discrimination and unequal economic opportunities . The practice of untouchability in India ostracizes members of many of these communities, especially Dalits, although the Indian Constitution prohibits caste-based discrimination, including untouchability, and in recent decades the government has enacted economic advancement policies like reserved seats in universities and government jobs for Dalits, Scheduled Tribes and OBC communities.

Roughly 30% of Indians do not belong to these protected groups and are classified as “General Category.” This includes higher castes such as Brahmins (4%), traditionally the priestly caste. Indeed, each broad category includes several sub-castes – sometimes hundreds – with their own social and economic hierarchies.

Three-quarters of Jains (76%) identify with General Category castes, as do 46% of both Muslims and Sikhs.

Caste-based discrimination, as well as the government’s efforts to compensate for past discrimination, are politically charged topics in India . But the survey finds that most Indians do not perceive widespread caste-based discrimination. Just one-in-five Indians say there is a lot of discrimination against members of SCs, while 19% say there is a lot of discrimination against STs and somewhat fewer (16%) see high levels of discrimination against OBCs. Members of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes are slightly more likely than others to perceive widespread discrimination against their two groups. Still, large majorities of people in these categories do not think they face a lot of discrimination.

Relatively few in India see widespread caste discrimination; perceptions vary by region

These attitudes vary by region, however. Among Southern Indians, for example, 30% see widespread discrimination against Dalits, compared with 13% in the Central part of the country. And among the Dalit community in the South, even more (43%) say their community faces a lot of discrimination, compared with 27% among Southern Indians in the General Category who say the Dalit community faces widespread discrimination in India.

A higher share of Dalits in the South and Northeast than elsewhere in the country say they, personally, have faced discrimination in the last 12 months because of their caste: 30% of Dalits in the South say this, as do 38% in the Northeast.

Although caste discrimination may not be perceived as widespread nationally, caste remains a potent factor in Indian society. Most Indians from other castes say they would be willing to have someone belonging to a Scheduled Caste as a neighbor (72%). But a similarly large majority of Indians overall (70%) say that most or all of their close friends share their caste. And Indians tend to object to marriages across caste lines, much as they object to interreligious marriages. 3

Most Indians say it is very important to stop people from marrying outside their caste

Overall, 64% of Indians say it is very important to stop women in their community from marrying into other castes, and about the same share (62%) say it is very important to stop men in their community from marrying into other castes. These figures vary only modestly across members of different castes. For example, nearly identical shares of Dalits and members of General Category castes say stopping inter-caste marriages is very important.

Majorities of Hindus, Muslims, Sikhs and Jains consider stopping inter-caste marriage of both men and women a high priority. By comparison, fewer Buddhists and Christians say it is very important to stop such marriages – although for majorities of both groups, stopping people from marrying outside their caste is at least “somewhat” important.

People surveyed in India’s South and Northeast see greater caste discrimination in their communities, and they also raise fewer objections to inter-caste marriages than do Indians overall. Meanwhile, college-educated Indians are less likely than those with less education to say stopping inter-caste marriages is a high priority. But, even within the most highly educated group, roughly half say preventing such marriages is very important. (See Chapter 4 for more analysis of Indians’ views on caste.)

Religious groups show little change in size due to conversion

In recent years, conversion of people belonging to lower castes (including Dalits) away from Hinduism – a traditionally non-proselytizing religion – to proselytizing religions, especially Christianity, has been a contentious political issue in India. As of early 2021, nine states have enacted laws against proselytism , and some previous surveys have shown that half of Indians support legal bans on religious conversions. 4

This survey, though, finds that religious switching, or conversion, has a minimal impact on the overall size of India’s religious groups. For example, according to the survey, 82% of Indians say they were raised Hindu, and a nearly identical share say they are currently Hindu, showing no net losses for the group through conversion to other religions. Other groups display similar levels of stability.

Changes in India’s religious landscape over time are largely a result of differences in fertility rates among religious groups, not conversion.

Respondents were asked two separate questions to measure religious switching: “What is your present religion, if any?” and, later in the survey, “In what religion were you raised, if any?” Overall, 98% of respondents give the same answer to both these questions.

Hindus gain as many people as they lose through religious switching

An overall pattern of stability in the share of religious groups is accompanied by little net gain from movement into, or out of, most religious groups. Among Hindus, for instance, any conversion out of the group is matched by conversion into the group: 0.7% of respondents say they were raised Hindu but now identify as something else, and although Hindu texts and traditions do not agree on any formal process for conversion into the religion, roughly the same share (0.8%) say they were  not raised Hindu but now identify as Hindu. 5  Most of these new followers of Hinduism are married to Hindus.

Similarly, 0.3% of respondents have left Islam since childhood, matched by an identical share who say they were raised in other religions (or had no childhood religion) and have since become Muslim.

For Christians, however, there are some net gains from conversion: 0.4% of survey respondents are former Hindus who now identify as Christian, while 0.1% are former Christians.

Three-quarters of India’s Hindu converts to Christianity (74%) are concentrated in the Southern part of the country – the region with the largest Christian population. As a result, the Christian population of the South shows a slight increase within the lifetime of survey respondents: 6% of Southern Indians say they were raised Christian, while 7% say they are currently Christian.

Some Christian converts (16%) reside in the East as well (the states of Bihar, Jharkhand, Odisha and West Bengal); about two-thirds of all Christians in the East (64%) belong to Scheduled Tribes.

Nationally, the vast majority of former Hindus who are now Christian belong to Scheduled Castes (48%), Scheduled Tribes (14%) or Other Backward Classes (26%). And former Hindus are much more likely than the Indian population overall to say there is a lot of discrimination against lower castes in India. For example, nearly half of converts to Christianity (47%) say there is a lot of discrimination against Scheduled Castes in India, compared with 20% of the overall population who perceive this level of discrimination against Scheduled Castes. Still, relatively few converts say they, personally, have faced discrimination due to their caste in the last 12 months (12%).

Vast majority of Hindu converts to Christianity in India are concentrated in South

Though their specific practices and beliefs may vary, all of India’s major religious communities are highly observant by standard measures. For instance, the vast majority of Indians, across all major faiths, say that religion is very important in their lives. And at least three-quarters of each major religion’s followers say they know a great deal about their own religion and its practices. For example, 81% of Indian Buddhists claim a great deal of knowledge about the Buddhist religion and its practices.

Most Indians have a strong connection to their religion

Indian Muslims are slightly more likely than Hindus to consider religion very important in their lives (91% vs. 84%). Muslims also are modestly more likely than Hindus to say they know a great deal about their own religion (84% vs. 75%).

Significant portions of each religious group also pray daily, with Christians among the most likely to do so (77%) – even though Christians are the least likely of the six groups to say religion is very important in their lives (76%). Most Hindus and Jains also pray daily (59% and 73%, respectively) and say they perform puja daily (57% and 81%), either at home or at a temple. 6

Generally, younger and older Indians, those with different educational backgrounds, and men and women are similar in their levels of religious observance. South Indians are the least likely to say religion is very important in their lives (69%), and the South is the only region where fewer than half of people report praying daily (37%). While Hindus, Muslims and Christians in the South are all less likely than their counterparts elsewhere in India to say religion is very important to them, the lower rate of prayer in the South is driven mainly by Hindus: Three-in-ten Southern Hindus report that they pray daily (30%), compared with roughly two-thirds (68%) of Hindus in the rest of the country (see “ People in the South differ from rest of the country in their views of religion, national identity ” below for further discussion of religious differences in Southern India).

The survey also asked about three rites of passage: religious ceremonies for birth (or infancy), marriage and death. Members of all of India’s major religious communities tend to see these rites as highly important. For example, the vast majority of Muslims (92%), Christians (86%) and Hindus (85%) say it is very important to have a religious burial or cremation for their loved ones.

Indians say life’s milestones should be marked by religious ceremonies

The survey also asked about practices specific to particular religions, such as whether people have received purification by bathing in holy bodies of water, like the Ganges River, a rite closely associated with Hinduism. About two-thirds of Hindus have done this (65%). Most Hindus also have holy basil (the tulsi plant) in their homes, as do most Jains (72% and 62%, respectively). And about three-quarters of Sikhs follow the Sikh practice of keeping their hair long (76%).

For more on religious practices across India’s religious groups, see Chapter 7 .

Nearly all Indians say they believe in God (97%), and roughly 80% of people in most religious groups say they are absolutely certain that God exists. The main exception is Buddhists, one-third of whom say they do not believe in God. Still, among Buddhists who do think there is a God, most say they are absolutely certain in this belief.

One-third of Indian Buddhists do not believe in God

While belief in God is close to universal in India, the survey finds a wide range of views about the type of deity or deities that Indians believe in. The prevailing view is that there is one God “with many manifestations” (54%). But about one-third of the public says simply: “There is only one God” (35%). Far fewer say there are many gods (6%).

Even though Hinduism is sometimes referred to as a polytheistic religion , very few Hindus (7%) take the position that there are multiple gods. Instead, the most common position among Hindus (as well as among Jains) is that there is “only one God with many manifestations” (61% among Hindus and 54% among Jains).

In India, most Hindus and some members of other groups say there is one God with many manifestations

Among Hindus, those who say religion is very important in their lives are more likely than other Hindus to believe in one God with many manifestations (63% vs. 50%) and less likely to say there are many gods (6% vs. 12%).

By contrast, majorities of Muslims, Christians and Sikhs say there is only one God. And among Buddhists, the most common response is also a belief in one God. Among all these groups, however, about one-in-five or more say God has many manifestations, a position closer to their Hindu compatriots’ concept of God.

Most Hindus feel close to multiple gods, but Shiva, Hanuman and Ganesha are most popular

Traditionally, many Hindus have a “personal god,” or  ishta devata:  A particular god or goddess with whom they feel a personal connection. The survey asked all Indian Hindus who say they believe in God which god they feel closest to – showing them 15 images of gods on a card as possible options – and the vast majority of Hindus selected more than one god or indicated that they have many personal gods (84%). 7  This is true not only among Hindus who say they believe in many gods (90%) or in one God with many manifestations (87%), but also among those who say there is only one God (82%).

The god that Hindus most commonly feel close to is Shiva (44%). In addition, about one-third of Hindus feel close to Hanuman or Ganesha (35% and 32%, respectively).

There is great regional variation in how close India’s Hindus feel to some gods. For example, 46% of Hindus in India’s West feel close to Ganesha, but only 15% feel this way in the Northeast. And 46% of Hindus in the Northeast feel close to Krishna, while just 14% in the South say the same.

Feelings of closeness for Lord Ram are especially strong in the Central region (27%), which includes what Hindus claim is his ancient birthplace , Ayodhya. The location in Ayodhya where many Hindus believe Ram was born has been a source of controversy: Hindu mobs demolished a mosque on the site in 1992, claiming that a Hindu temple originally existed there. In 2019, the Indian Supreme Court ruled that the demolished mosque had been built on top of a preexisting non-Islamic structure and that the land should be given to Hindus to build a temple, with another location in the area given to the Muslim community to build a new mosque. (For additional findings on belief in God, see Chapter 12 .)

More Hindus feel close to Shiva than any other deity

Sidebar: Despite economic advancement, few signs that importance of religion is declining

Indians show high levels of religious observance across socioeconomic levels

A prominent theory in the social sciences hypothesizes that as countries advance economically, their populations tend to become less religious, often leading to wider social change. Known as “secularization theory,” it particularly reflects the experience of Western European countries from the end of World War II to the present.

Despite rapid economic growth, India’s population so far shows few, if any, signs of losing its religion. For instance, both the Indian census and the new survey find virtually no growth in the minuscule share of people who claim no religious identity. And religion is prominent in the lives of Indians regardless of their socioeconomic status. Generally, across the country, there is little difference in personal religious observance between urban and rural residents or between those who are college educated versus those who are not. Overwhelming shares among all these groups say that religion is very important in their lives, that they pray regularly and that they believe in God.

Overwhelming shares say religion was very important to their family growing up and is to them personally now

Nearly all religious groups show the same patterns. The biggest exception is Christians, among whom those with higher education and those who reside in urban areas show somewhat lower levels of observance. For example, among Christians who have a college degree, 59% say religion is very important in their life, compared with 78% among those who have less education.

The survey does show a slight decline in the perceived importance of religion during the lifetime of respondents, though the vast majority of Indians indicate that religion remains central to their lives, and this is true among both younger and older adults.

Nearly nine-in-ten Indian adults say religion was very important to their family when they were growing up (88%), while a slightly lower share say religion is very important to them now (84%). The pattern is identical when looking only at India’s majority Hindu population. Among Muslims in India, the same shares say religion was very important to their family growing up and is very important to them now (91% each).

The states of Southern India (Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka, Kerala, Puducherry, Tamil Nadu and Telangana) show the biggest downward trend in the perceived importance of religion over respondents’ lifetimes: 76% of Indians who live in the South say religion was very important to their family growing up, compared with 69% who say religion is personally very important to them now. Slight declines in the importance of religion, by this measure, also are seen in the Western part of the country (Goa, Gujarat and Maharashtra) and in the North, although large majorities in all regions of the country say religion is very important in their lives today.

Respecting elders a key shared religious, national value in India

Despite a strong desire for religious segregation, India’s religious groups share patriotic feelings, cultural values and some religious beliefs. For instance, overwhelming shares across India’s religious communities say they are very proud to be Indian, and most agree that Indian culture is superior to others.

Similarly, Indians of different religious backgrounds hold elders in high respect. For instance, nine-in-ten or more Hindus, Muslims, Buddhists and Jains say that respecting elders is very important to what being a member of their religious group means to them (e.g., for Hindus, it’s a very important part of their Hindu identity). Christians and Sikhs also overwhelmingly share this sentiment. And among all people surveyed in all six groups, three-quarters or more say that respecting elders is very important to being truly Indian.

Within all six religious groups, eight-in-ten or more also say that helping the poor and needy is a crucial part of their religious identity.

Beyond cultural parallels, many people mix traditions from multiple religions into their practices: As a result of living side by side for generations, India’s minority groups often engage in practices that are more closely associated with Hindu traditions than their own. For instance, many Muslim, Sikh and Christian women in India say they wear a bindi (a forehead marking, often worn by married women), even though putting on a bindi has Hindu origins.

Similarly, many people embrace beliefs not traditionally associated with their faith: Muslims in India are just as likely as Hindus to say they believe in karma (77% each), and 54% of Indian Christians share this view. 8  Nearly three-in-ten Muslims and Christians say they believe in reincarnation (27% and 29%, respectively). While these may seem like theological contradictions, for many Indians, calling oneself a Muslim or a Christian does not preclude believing in karma or reincarnation – beliefs that do not have a traditional, doctrinal basis in Islam or Christianity.

Some religious beliefs and practices shared across religious groups in India

Most Muslims and Christians say they don’t participate in celebrations of Diwali, the Indian festival of lights that is traditionally celebrated by Hindus, Sikhs, Jains and Buddhists. But substantial minorities of Christians (31%) and Muslims (20%) report that they do celebrate Diwali. Celebrating Diwali is especially common among Muslims in the West, where 39% say they participate in the festival, and in the South (33%).

Not only do some followers of all these religions participate in a celebration (Diwali) that consumes most of the country once a year, but some members of the majority Hindu community celebrate Muslim and Christian festivals, too: 7% of Indian Hindus say they celebrate the Muslim festival of Eid, and 17% celebrate Christmas.

While there is some mixing of religious celebrations and traditions within India’s diverse population, many Hindus do not approve of this. In fact, while 17% of the nation’s Hindus say they participate in Christmas celebrations, about half of Hindus (52%) say that doing so disqualifies a person from being Hindu (compared with 35% who say a person can be Hindu if they celebrate Christmas). An even greater share of Hindus (63%) say a person cannot be Hindu if they celebrate the Islamic festival of Eid – a view that is more widely held in Northern, Central, Eastern and Northeastern India than the South or West.

Hindus are divided on whether beliefs and practices such as believing in God, praying and going to the temple are necessary to be a Hindu. But one behavior that a clear majority of Indian Hindus feel is incompatible with Hinduism is eating beef: 72% of Hindus in India say a person who eats beef cannot be a Hindu. That is even higher than the percentages of Hindus who say a person cannot be Hindu if they reject belief in God (49%), never go to a temple (48%) or never perform prayers (48%).

India’s Hindus mostly say a person cannot be Hindu if they eat beef, celebrate Eid

Attitudes toward beef appear to be part of a regional and cultural divide among Hindus: Southern Indian Hindus are considerably less likely than others to disqualify beef eaters from being Hindu (50% vs. 83% in the Northern and Central parts of the country). And, at least in part, Hindus’ views on beef and Hindu identity are linked with a preference for religious segregation and elements of Hindu nationalism. For example, Hindus who take a strong position against eating beef are more likely than others to say they would not accept followers of other religions as their neighbors (49% vs. 30%) and to say it is very important to be Hindu to be truly Indian (68% vs. 51%).

Relatedly, 44% of Hindus say they are vegetarians, and an additional 33% say they abstain from eating certain meats. Hindus traditionally view cows as sacred, and laws pertaining to cow slaughter have been a recent flashpoint in India . At the same time, Hindus are not alone in linking beef consumption with religious identity: 82% of Sikhs and 85% of Jains surveyed say that a person who eats beef cannot be a member of their religious groups, either. A majority of Sikhs (59%) and fully 92% of Jains say they are vegetarians, including 67% of Jains who do not eat root vegetables . 9  (For more data on religion and dietary habits, see Chapter 10 .)

Sidebar: People in the South differ from rest of the country in their views of religion, national identity

The survey consistently finds that people in the South (the states of Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka, Kerala, Tamil Nadu and Telangana, and the union territory of Puducherry) differ from Indians elsewhere in the country in their views on religion, politics and identity.

For example, by a variety of measures, people in the South are somewhat less religious than those in other regions – 69% say religion is very important in their lives, versus 92% in the Central part of the country. And 37% say they pray every day, compared with more than half of Indians in other regions. People in the South also are less segregated by religion or caste – whether that involves their friendship circles, the kind of neighbors they prefer or how they feel about intermarriage. (See Chapter 3 .)

Hindu nationalist sentiments also appear to have less of a foothold in the South. Among Hindus, those in the South (42%) are far less likely than those in Central states (83%) or the North (69%) to say being Hindu is very important to be truly Indian. And in the 2019 parliamentary elections, the BJP’s lowest vote share came in the South. In the survey, just 19% of Hindus in the region say they voted for the BJP, compared with roughly two-thirds in the Northern (68%) and Central (65%) parts of the country who say they voted for the ruling party.

Culturally and politically, people in the South have pushed back against the BJP’s restrictions on cow slaughter and efforts to nationalize the Hindi language . These factors may contribute to the BJP’s lower popularity in the South, where more people prefer regional parties or the Indian National Congress party.

These differences in attitudes and practices exist in a wider context of economic disparities between the South and other regions of the country. Over time, Southern states have seen stronger economic growth than the Northern and Central parts of the country. And women and people belonging to lower castes in the South have fared better economically than their counterparts elsewhere in the country. Even though three-in-ten people in the South say there is widespread caste discrimination in India, the region also has a history of anti-caste movements . Indeed, one author has attributed the economic growth of the South largely to the flattening of caste hierarchies.

Indian Muslims more likely to say eating pork is incompatible with Islam than not believing in God

Muslim identity in India

Most Muslims in India say a person cannot be Muslim if they never pray or attend a mosque. Similarly, about six-in-ten say that celebrating Diwali or Christmas is incompatible with being a member of the Muslim community. At the same time, a substantial minority express a degree of open-mindedness on who can be a Muslim, with fully one-third (34%) saying a person can be Muslim even if they don’t believe in God. (The survey finds that 6% of self-described Muslims in India say they do not believe in God; see “ Near-universal belief in God, but wide variation in how God is perceived ” above.)

Like Hindus, Muslims have dietary restrictions that resonate as powerful markers of identity. Three-quarters of Indian Muslims (77%) say that a person cannot be Muslim if they eat pork, which is even higher than the share who say a person cannot be Muslim if they do not believe in God (60%) or never attend mosque (61%).

Indian Muslims more likely to say eating pork is incompatible with Islam than not believing in God

Indian Muslims also report high levels of religious commitment by a host of conventional measures: 91% say religion is very important in their lives, two-thirds (66%) say they pray at least once a day, and seven-in-ten say they attend mosque at least once a week – with even higher attendance among Muslim men (93%).

By all these measures, Indian Muslims are broadly comparable to Muslims in the neighboring Muslim-majority countries of Pakistan and Bangladesh, according to a Pew Research Center survey conducted in those countries in late 2011 and early 2012. In Pakistan, for example, 94% of Muslims said religion is very important in their lives , while 81% of Bangladeshi Muslims said the same. Muslims in India are somewhat more likely than those elsewhere in South Asia to say they regularly worship at a mosque (70% in India vs. 59% in Pakistan and 53% in Bangladesh), with the difference mainly driven by the share of women who attend.

Indian Muslims are as religious as Muslims in neighboring countries, but fewer say there is just one correct way to interpret Islam

At the same time, Muslims in India are slightly less likely to say there is “only one true” interpretation of Islam (72% in Pakistan, 69% in Bangladesh, 63% in India), as opposed to multiple interpretations.

When it comes to their religious beliefs, Indian Muslims in some ways resemble Indian Hindus more than they resemble Muslims in neighboring countries. For example, Muslims in Pakistan and Bangladesh almost universally say they believe in heaven and angels, but Indian Muslims seem more skeptical: 58% say they believe in heaven and 53% express belief in angels. Among Indian Hindus, similarly, 56% believe in heaven and 49% believe in angels.

Overall, Indian Muslims’ level of belief in heaven, angels resembles Indian Hindus more than other Muslims in South Asia

Majority of Muslim women in India oppose ‘triple talaq’ (Islamic divorce)

Most Indian Muslims oppose triple talaq

Many Indian Muslims historically have followed the Hanafi school of thought, which for centuries allowed men to divorce their wives by saying “talaq” (which translates as “divorce” in Arabic and Urdu) three times. Traditionally, there was supposed to be a waiting period and attempts at reconciliation in between each use of the word, and it was deeply frowned upon (though technically permissible) for a man to pronounce “talaq” three times quickly in a row. India’s Supreme Court ruled triple talaq unconstitutional in 2017, and it was banned by legislation in 2019 .

Most Indian Muslims (56%) say Muslim men should not be allowed to divorce this way. Still, 37% of Indian Muslims say they support triple talaq, with Muslim men (42%) more likely than Muslim women (32%) to take this position. A majority of Muslim women (61%) oppose triple talaq.

Highly religious Muslims – i.e., those who say religion is very important in their lives – also are more likely than other Muslims to say Muslim men should be able to divorce their wives simply by saying “talaq” three times (39% vs. 26%).

Triple talaq seems to have the most support among Muslims in the Southern and Northeastern regions of India, where half or more of Muslims say it should be legal (58% and 50%, respectively), although 12% of Muslims in the South and 16% in the Northeast do not take a position on the issue either way.

Sikhism is one of four major religions – along with Hinduism, Buddhism and Jainism – that originated on the Indian subcontinent. The Sikh religion emerged in Punjab in the 15th century, when Guru Nanak, who is revered as the founder of Sikhism, became the first in a succession of 10 gurus (teachers) in the religion.

Today, India’s Sikhs remain concentrated in the state of Punjab. One feature of the Sikh religion is a distinctive sense of community, also known as “Khalsa” (which translates as “ones who are pure”). Observant Sikhs differentiate themselves from others in several ways, including keeping their hair uncut. Today, about three-quarters of Sikh men and women in India say they keep their hair long (76%), and two-thirds say it is very important to them that children in their families also keep their hair long (67%). (For more analysis of Sikhs’ views on passing religious traditions on to their children, see Chapter 8 .)

Vast majority of Sikh adults in India say they keep their hair long

Sikhs are more likely than Indian adults overall to say they attend religious services every day – 40% of Sikhs say they go to the gurdwara (Sikh house of worship) daily. By comparison, 14% of Hindus say they go to a Hindu temple every day. Moreover, the vast majority of Sikhs (94%) regard their holy book, the Guru Granth Sahib, as the word of God, and many (37%) say they read it, or listen to recitations of it, every day.

Sikhs in India also incorporate other religious traditions into their practice. Some Sikhs (9%) say they follow Sufi orders, which are linked with Islam, and about half (52%) say they have a lot in common with Hindus. Roughly one-in-five Indian Sikhs say they have prayed, meditated or performed a ritual at a Hindu temple.

Sikh-Hindu relations were marked by violence in the 1970s and 1980s, when demands for a separate Sikh state covering the Punjab regions in both India and Pakistan (also known as the Khalistan movement) reached their apex. In 1984, Prime Minister Indira Gandhi was assassinated by her Sikh bodyguards as revenge for Indian paramilitary forces storming the Sikh Golden Temple in pursuit of Sikh militants. Anti-Sikh riots ensued in Northern India, especially in the state of Punjab.

India’s Sikhs are nearly universally proud of their national, state identities

According to the Indian census, the vast majority of Sikhs in India (77%) still live in Punjab, where Sikhs make up 58% of the adult population. And 93% of Punjabi Sikhs say they are very proud to live in the state.

Sikhs also are overwhelmingly proud of their Indian identity. A near-universal share of Sikhs say they are very proud to be Indian (95%), and the vast majority (70%) say a person who disrespects India cannot be a Sikh. And like India’s other religious groups, most Sikhs do not see evidence of widespread discrimination against their community – just 14% say Sikhs face a lot of discrimination in India, and 18% say they personally have faced religious discrimination in the last year.

At the same time, Sikhs are more likely than other religious communities to see communal violence as a very big problem in the country. Nearly eight-in-ten Sikhs (78%) rate communal violence as a major issue, compared with 65% of Hindus and Muslims.

The BJP has attempted to financially compensate Sikhs for some of the violence that occurred in 1984 after Indira Gandhi’s assassination, but relatively few Sikh voters (19%) report having voted for the BJP in the 2019 parliamentary elections. The survey finds that 33% of Sikhs preferred the Indian National Congress Party – Gandhi’s party.

  • Ahmed, Hilal. 2019. “ Siyasi Muslims: A story of political Islams in India .” ↩
  • All survey respondents, regardless of religion, were asked, “Are you from a General Category, Scheduled Caste, Scheduled Tribe or Other Backward Class?” By contrast, in the 2011 census of India, only Hindus, Sikhs and Buddhists could be enumerated as members of Scheduled Castes, while Scheduled Tribes could include followers of all religions. General Category and Other Backward Classes were not measured in the census. A detailed analysis of differences between 2011 census data on caste and survey data can be found here . ↩
  • According to the 2004 and 2009 National Election Studies by the Centre for the Study of Developing Societies (CSDS), roughly half of Indians or more said that marriages of boys and girls from different castes should be  banned . In 2004, a majority also said this about people from different religions. ↩
  • In both the 2004 and 2009 National Election Studies (organized by CSDS), roughly half of Indians said that “There should be a legal ban on religious conversions.” ↩
  • This includes 0.2% of all Indian adults who now identify as Hindu but give an ambiguous response on how they were raised – either saying “some other religion” or saying they don’t know their childhood religion. ↩
  • Puja is a specific worship ritual that involves prayer along with rites like offering flowers and food, using vermillion, singing and chanting. ↩
  • Fifteen named deities were available for selection, though no answer options were read aloud. Respondents could select up to three of those 15 deities by naming them or selecting the corresponding image shown on a card. The answer option “another god” was available on the card or if any other deity name was volunteered by the respondent. Other possible answer options included “I do not have a god I feel closest to” and “I have many personal gods,” though neither was on the card. See the questionnaire or topline for the full list of gods offered. ↩
  • The religious origins of karma are debated by scholars, but the concept has deep roots in Hinduism, Buddhism, Sikhism and Jainism. ↩
  • For an analysis of Jain theology on the concept of  jiva  (soul) see Chapple, Christopher K. 2014. “Life All Around: Soul in Jainism.” In Biernacki, Loriliai and Philip Clayton, eds. “ Panentheism Across the World’s Traditions .” ↩

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essay on hindu religion in hindi

Yale Forum on Religion and Ecology

essay on hindu religion in hindi

Overview Essay

essay on hindu religion in hindi

Hinduism: Devotional Love of the World

David L. Haberman, Indiana University

Originally published in the Routledge Handbook of Religion and Ecology

There is an outright assault on virtually every aspect of Earth’s ecosystems these days: rivers are severely polluted, forests are razed at alarming rates, and mountains are demolished for a variety of industrial purposes.  Enormous damage has already been done to meet the ever-increasing demands of a rapidly growing globalized consumer culture.  We are now gearing up to inflict even greater damage as we prepare to harvest all remaining resources and to squeeze every last drop of fossil fuel from the planet.  At the same time, there seems to be a new planetary awakening that seeks ways beyond our current unsustainable predicament to a healthier human presence on Earth, and religious traditions worldwide are increasingly contributing to this movement.  How do people within the Hindu religious cultures of India regard and struggle with these challenges?  Relatedly, how are natural entities such as rivers, trees, and mountains conceived within these cultures, and what kinds of practices are found within them that might serve to address the unprecedented environmental degradation of our day?

The term Hinduism is a complex one.  Originally used by Persians to denote the religious ways of people who lived on the other side of the Indus River, today it is the accepted designation of a vast array of religious beliefs and practices of the majority of the Indian population.  As in the case of every world religion, it is more accurate to speak not of a single Hinduism, but rather of a rich multiplicity of Hinduisms.  Past overviews of Hinduism and ecology have tended to focus on the philosophical texts and practices of the ascetic traditions. [1]   The notable work of Christopher Chapple, for example, highlights the contributions that the Hindu renouncer values of minimal consumption might make toward an environmentally friendly ethic (Chapple 1998).  While these values are significant in considering ecological possibilities within Hinduism, I find myself in agreement with Vasudha Narayanan who has pressed for a shift away from an emphasis on the ascetic traditions in our understanding of Hinduism and ecology to the bhakti devotional texts and rituals, since “devotional ( bhakti ) exercises seem to be the greatest potential resource for ecological activists in India” (Narayanan 2001, 202). I propose to take up this recommendation with a presentation of a popular mode of Hinduism and ecology that has received little academic attention in general works on religion and ecology.  This essay is not intended to be a survey, but rather a representation of a fairly widespread form of religiously informed ecological activism that I have encountered both explicitly and implicitly in my explorations of Hinduism and ecology (Haberman 2006, 2013).

Before examining some contemporary instances of Hindu ecological engagement, I briefly take up the question, “Is Hinduism eco-friendly?”  We would be justified in rejecting this question altogether, for it is a simplistic and misleading formulation that both reduces a complex tradition and calls for an answer never intended by any tradition.  Like all world religious traditions, Hinduism is a multifaceted cultural phenomenon that consists of many varied and sometimes contradictory voices.  There is evidence for what could be identified as ecologically damaging views and practices within Hinduism, and there is evidence for what could be identified as ecologically friendly views and practices within Hinduism.  Questioning the concept of the “oriental ecologist,” Ole Bruun and Arne Kalland have argued that Asian philosophies have done little to prevent environmental disasters in a number of Asian societies (Bruun and Kalland 1995, 2-3).  Nonetheless, while acknowledging some aspects of Hinduism have been detrimental to the environment, a number of writers have maintained that Hinduism has much to contribute to addressing the environmental crisis.  Rita Dasgupta Sherma, for example, insists, “In the case of Hinduism, resources exist for the development of a vision that could promote ecological action” (Sherma 1998, 89-90).

We must keep in mind, however, that the current scope of the environmental crisis is a drastically new experience that demands new responses; no religious tradition in its present form is fully prepared to address the current problems.  Poul Pedersen reminds us, “No Buddhist, Hindu, or Islamic scriptures contain concepts like ‘environmental crisis,’ ‘ecosystems,’ or ‘sustainable development,’ or concepts corresponding to them.  To insist that they do is to deny the immense cultural distance that separates traditional religious conceptions of the environment from modern ecological knowledge” (Pedersen 1995, 226). [2]   Religious traditions are always changing in the face of new historical circumstances, and one of the greatest challenges today is the environmental crisis, which is already reshaping religious traditions worldwide.  With these precautions in mind, we can proceed to examine an emerging ecological development within Hindu India and those dimensions of the tradition that might serve as resources for those who employ a Hindu cultural perspective in their struggle with the environmental crisis.

Past representations of Hinduism that were heavily dependent on the ascetic philosophy of Shankaracharya’s Advaita Vedanta often ignored Hinduism’s most common aspect: the devotional cultures of India that focus on interaction with embodied forms of divinity and generally promote a very positive view of the world. To explore what this theistic Hinduism means for environmental thought and action, it would be useful to examine the views expressed in the Bhagavad Gita.  This popular text gives representative expression to concepts that inform much theistic Hinduism.  The Bhagavad Gita has also been important for many involved in early environmental movements in India, especially those influenced by Gandhi who used it for daily meditations. [3] Well-known environmental activists in India, such as the Himalayan forest defenders, have organized readings of the Bhagavad Gita as part of their strategy for environmental protection, and some have used it to articulate a specifically Hindu ecological philosophy. [4]   One can even find examples of such use of the Bhagavad Gita in science-based environmental publications such as Down to Earth , a periodical published by the Centre for Science and Environment in New Delhi. [5]   Most importantly for our considerations, the Bhagavad Gita provides a theological framework for understanding the religious thought that informs much devotionally based environmentalism within Hinduism. [6]

Like Narayanan, I too have found a preeminence of bhakti rituals and devotional texts in my studies of Hinduism, nature and ecology; my comments, therefore, focus on certain devotional beliefs and practices that relate to environmental conceptions, concerns, and practices.  One of the major debates between the ascetic and devotional traditions relates to the status of the world we experience with our senses.  While many of the ascetic traditions teach that the phenomenal world is ultimately an illusion to be transcended, the devotional traditions have tended to affirm the reality of the world, often honored as a divine manifestation.  The position of the Bhagavad Gita is relevant.  Narayanan explains that, “central to the Bhagavadgita is the vision of the universe as the body of Krishna” (Narayanan 2001, 185).  

To introduce a common way of thinking about Hinduism and environmentalism in present-day practice, I highlight four Sanskrit terms prevalent in discourse about conceptualizations of and interaction with natural entities. Since all four terms begin with an “ s ,” I refer to them as the four “ s ”s.  Although all of these terms are drawn from the Bhagavad Gita, they are used generally in Hindu discussions about ecology and the natural environment and come up frequently during conversations about environmental activism in India.  The form of environmental activism represented by these terms is not well known outside of India; nonetheless it is quite popular within India, as it is firmly rooted in the devotional practices that center on worshipful interaction with embodied forms of divinity.  The first term, sarvatma-bhava , has to do with the worldview that informs much environmental activism within Hindu culture; the second, svarupa , relates to the devotional object of environmental activism; the third, seva , is increasingly used to denote environmental activism itself; and the fourth, sambandha , identifies the desired outcome of the action.

Among the four terms sarvatma-bhava is perhaps the least utilized in everyday language, but the notion it signifies is prevalent within Hinduism.  It is a technical compound word that proclaims that everything is part of a unified and radically interconnected reality, called alternatively Atman or Brahman, and refers to the largely accepted viewpoint that all is sacred.  In common parlance, this is often expressed theologically as God is everything and everything is God.  This is a concept with deep roots in many Hindu scriptures.  The highly influential Brihadaranyaka Upanishad, for example, declares, “the whole world is Brahman” (1.4).  Granted most Hindus do not have detailed knowledge of Upanishadic texts, but this is an idea that is expressed repeatedly in many later texts and everyday discussions about religion. The better-known Bhagavad Gita states this notion most succinctly in the concise declaration: “Vasudeva (Krishna) is the entire world” (7.19).  Without necessarily referencing texts such as these, many people articulate a similar notion while discussing the relationship between the world and Krishna.  “Everything in this world is a part of Krishna and therefore worthy of reverence ( pujaniya ),” a man explained to me while discussing the natural landscape.

Early foundational texts, such as the Brihadaranyaka Upanishad, also asserted that there are two aspects of ultimate reality or Brahman: one is identified with all forms ( murta ), and the other is identified with the realm of the formless ( amurta ) (2.3).  Brahman as all forms is everything that is manifest and transitory, whereas Brahman as the formless is unmanifest and unchanging.  These are not two separate realities, but rather different modes of the same unified reality.  Although most people are not directly familiar with the Brihadaranyaka Upanishad, they are conversant with this principle.  A Hindi-speaking woman expressed this concept theologically: “Some people think of God as with form ( sakar ), and others think of God as formless ( nirakar ).  These are just different ways of thinking of God, but God is one ( Bhagavan ek hi hai. ).”  

The Bhagavad Gita confirms these two aspects of ultimate reality, and adds a third that encompasses and surpasses both: the divine personality called Purushottama.  Devotional traditions aim to establish a relationship with this supreme form.  Although these three dimensions of reality are regarded in a hierarchical fashion, it is important to remember that all three are aspects of divinity, in this instance Krishna.  That is, while it is assumed to be only a portion of a much vaster and unmanifest reality, the entire manifest world of multiple forms that we perceive with our senses is fully divine.  While manifestly diverse, the sense of reality denoted by sarvatma - bhava is that everything is also simultaneously interconnected and unified; in short, the entire world is divine.  The tripartite conception of reality is at the very core of many Hindu schools of thought, and is considered to be the vital foundation for all spiritual development and productive work in the world.  It is also important for understanding specific forms of devotional environmentalism in India.   

Though the whole world is divine, human beings are not good at connecting with abstract universalities.  We are embodied beings designed to connect with concrete particularities.  Universal love is a noble sentiment, for example, but it cannot begin to compare to the passionate engagement of the intimate love of a particular person.  Acknowledging this feature of human emotions and perception leads to the next “ s ”: svarupa .  The term svarupa has an expedient double meaning.  It literally means “own-form,” and in theological contexts frequently refers to the deity’s own form or an essential manifestation of God, and is understood to refer to a full presence of divinity.  An aspect of the highest reality, it comes to mean a specific embodied form divinity takes in the world.  Divinity within Hinduism is typically understood to be infinite and all pervasive, but assumes particular concrete forms; accordingly, although unified at the unmanifest level, it manifests as a multitude of individual entities.  The second meaning of the term svarupa is the worshiper’s own form of divinity.  The divine unified reality of Brahman is everywhere and everything, but one’s svarupa is a personal and approachable concrete “handle” on the infinite; it is that distinct, intimate form of divinity to which one is especially attracted.  That is, among the countless multitude of forms, this is the particular one to which a person is drawn and develops a special relationship. The particular physical forms of divinity that are svarupa s importantly include many natural phenomena, such as rivers, ponds, rocks, mountains, trees and forests.  Everything in the world is understood to be a potential svarupa , but there are natural entities that are favored through cultural selection. Specific examples would include rivers, such as the Yamuna, Ganges, and Narmada; sacred trees such as neem, pipal, and banyan; and mountains such as Govardhan and Arunachal.  And all svarupa s are comprised of the three interrelated dimensions of reality.  The form dimension of the Yamuna, for example, is the physical water of the river, the formless is the all-pervasive spiritual dimension, and the divine personality is the goddess Yamuna Devi. The form dimension of Mount Govardhan is the concrete rocky hill, the formless is the all-pervasive undifferentiated dimension, and the divine personality is Krishna in the form of Shri Govardhana Natha-ji.

Recognized as a special form of divine vitality, awareness of the full nature of the svarupa is considered by many to be a key component to beneficial environmental attitudes and actions.  The physical svarupa of a neem tree, for example, is connected with her goddess identity.  A woman who worships a particular neem tree everyday in Varanasi told me: “Ma’s powerful presence is in this tree.  This tree is her svarupa .  I worship her here everyday and now have a special relationship with this tree” (Haberman 2013, 144).  Accordingly, she – as well as many others who share her understanding – would never think of harming or cutting a neem tree.  The svarupa of the Yamuna River too is associated with her divine identity.  A man who lives in a town located on the shore of this river links an awareness of this identity to current environmental concerns: “The people who are not aware of the svarupa are polluting her.  If we could get people to see the goddess in the river, they would worship her and stop polluting her.  People who don't understand the svarupa of Yamuna-ji are polluting her.  We must make them understand the real nature of Yamuna-ji, and then they will stop polluting” (Haberman 2006, 187).  I observed a group of villagers living at the base of Mount Govardhan stop a man from even putting a shovel into the soil of the mountain to plant a tree, so great was their concern for the sensitive personality of the mountain.

How does one connect with a svarupa ?   This question leads to another of the four “ s ”s: seva , a term that means concrete acts of “loving service” or simply “acts of love.” In the context of the religious culture associated with natural sacred entities a few decades ago, the word seva would have referred almost exclusively to ritual acts of honorific worship, such as offering flowers, hymns, and incense.  However, in this age of pollution this term is increasingly being used to designate acts that would in the West be labeled “environmental activism.”  For example, previously it was assumed that Yamuna was a powerful and protective Mother who cared for her human children, but now there is a growing conviction that her children need to care for her.  The term used for this care is seva, loving actions that now take a variety of forms – from picking garbage out of the river to political and legal action aimed to protect it. 

In these bhakti traditions, love has two aspects: feelings and actions, and these two are significantly interconnected.  Feelings set actions in motion, and actions engender further feelings.  Since feelings are more difficult to access than actions, actions are the entryway into an ever-expanding circle of love.  Moreover, the specialness of a being is revealed in the presence of love; while we shrink back into a protective shell when confronted with hostility, we come out and expose ourselves more fully in the presence of love.  Likewise, the deep sacrality of the world reveals itself only in the face of love.  Awareness of the true nature ( svarupa ) of something generates love for it, and that love enables one to see that true nature more clearly.  Loving acts toward a being generate loving feelings toward that being – rivers, trees, and mountains included – which motivate more loving acts.  This point was driven home to me one day while watching a young man perform acts of worshipful seva to the Yamuna River.  He told me about the transformation in his own life that led him to become a daily worshiper of Yamuna.  “I used to see Yamuna-ji as an ordinary polluted river.  I used to wear my sandals down to her bank (He now views this as a grave insult.).  But then I met my guru, and he told me to start worshipping Yamuna-ji.  At first I was a little resistant, but I did what he said.  Soon, I began to see her svarupa (true form) and realized how wonderful she really is.  So now I worship her everyday with love.  The main benefit of worshipping Yamuna-ji is an ever-expanding love” (Haberman 2006, 185).

Most importantly for ecological considerations, those who reflect on the environmental crisis from this viewpoint say that this deep perspective is the one most needed to restore a healthy relationship with the world.  For the devotees of Yamuna immersed in this perspective, this means opening oneself to the river to the point where one can perceive the svarupa of Yamuna.  Once this occurs, polluting the river becomes as impossible as dumping garbage on the face of one’s lover.  Worshipful acts, then, are the very doorway into an inner world of realization; they are concrete levers for opening up new perspectives that lead to environmental awareness and activism.  While environmental degradation, I was told again and again, is the result of a very limited perspective on the world, many devotees stressed that a positive and ecologically healthy relationship with the natural world depends on a loving awareness of its true nature, or svarupa , which is realized through loving acts of seva .  An awareness of the true nature of reality leads one into a world of divine love wherein destruction and pollution become unthinkable.

Love, therefore, is both a means and an end.  The Hindu eco-theologian Shrivatsa Goswami maintains that, “Love is the key to all sustainability” (Haberman 2006, 157).  Many environmental activists I spoke with in India articulated their actions as expressions of love. The environmental activist Sunderlal Bahuguna, who worked many years attempting to stop the Tehri Dam on a major Himalayan branch of the Ganges River, told me that his work was motivated by devotional love: “I love rivers because they are God; they are our Mother.  In our philosophy we see God in all nature: mountains, rivers, springs, and other natural forms” (Haberman 2006, 71).  And love for Mount Arunachal as an essential form of Shiva led Ramana Maharshi and his followers to protect the sacred hill from developmental plans and to initiate its reforestation.

The love generated in seva , then, leads not only to a joyful realization of the true form of the “object” of that seva , but also to a deep concern for it. Because of his sentiments toward Yamuna, a pilgrimage priest who resides near the Yamuna River in Mathura experienced much pain while confronting the massive pollution of the river.  “When people come to Mathura and see the condition of the Yamuna,” he reports, “it hurts them and they leave with a broken heart.”  This man’s anguish spurred him into environmental action aimed at cleansing the river.  “When Mother is sick,” he explained, “one cannot throw her out of the house.  We must help her.  Therefore, I do Yamuna seva ” (Haberman 2006, 144).   Seva , or loving service, was a word I heard many times in conversations with environmental activists working to restore the Yamuna to health.  This activist priest, who organized demonstrations to raise awareness of the plight of the Yamuna and was the primary instigator of a successful court case that imposed a ban on the release of untreated domestic sewage and industrial effluents into the Yamuna in the Mathura District, represents his environmental activism with this religious term, as do many others in India. For him, restoring the river is a deeply religious act, performed not primarily for the benefit of humans, but for the river herself.

The culminating result of this divine love affair is a firm “connection” or “relationship” with some aspect of the sacred world. This relationship is called sambandha – the final “ s ”. Worshipful acts of seva designed to honor a particular being have the additional effect of stimulating a deeper loving connection – sambandha – with that being.  As a recipient of loving acts of seva , natural entities such as rivers, trees, and stones from sacred mountains are typically personified and sometimes even adorned in an anthropomorphic manner.  The Yamuna River is draped from shore to shore with a long decorative cloth made from 108 colorful saris on her birthday and other special occasions.  Neem trees in Varanasi are wrapped with ornate cloth and humanlike facemasks are attached to the trunks at eye level.  Faces with prominent eyes are also added to stones from Mount Govardhan, which are then adorned with clothing and jewelry.  Worshipers of these natural entities report that this seva practice is more than a way of honoring the natural entity; they also do this to develop and enhance an intimate relationship with the svarupa . 

A neem tree worshiper told me: “The face makes darshan (sight) of the goddess easier.  The tree is the goddess, but it is easier to have a relationship with the goddess if a face is there.  It is easier to see the goddess in the tree, or the tree as the goddess with a face on it” (Haberman 2013, 154).  Many tree worshipers report that the face helps them recognize and better bond with the goddess of the neem tree: “When I look into the face of the goddess on the tree,” one woman explained, “I feel a strong connection ( sambandha ) with this tree” (Haberman 2013, 154).  Worshipers who add faces to stones from Mount Govardhan, which are understood to be naturally embodied forms of Krishna, express similar notions. One told me that this practice “makes it easier to perceive the svarupa , to see the stone as Krishna.”   Another said: “When you put eyes and face on a Govardhan stone you feel it is a person.  It is easier to see the stone as a person with the face and clothing added.  Putting eyes and other ornamentations on the stone makes its personality more perceptible.  This makes a loving relationship with the svarupa more possible.” 

In this context, anthropomorphism seems to function as an intentional cultural means of connecting positively with the nonhuman world.  Current research by social psychologists seems to corroborate the notion that anthropomorphism can function as a means of establishing connection with some nonhuman entity, and that this connection leads to a greater concern for the anthropomorphized agent’s well-being (Epley 2008).  This claim has been confirmed by a group of Hong Kong based psychological researchers who have published a study which demonstrates that anthropomorphizing enhances connectedness to natural entities, and that this results in a stronger commitment to conservation behavior (Tam 2013).

Those who see the Yamuna as a divine goddess are less prone to polluting the river and more committed to restoring it; those who see trees as divine personalities avoid harming them and oversee their protection; and devotees of Mount Govardhan don’t dig into the mountain and some have worked to safeguard it from extractive exploitation.  But how relevant is the concern for a single natural entity toward the larger ethical concern for all such entities?  The possibility of this mode of devotional environmentalism opening out to a more universal ethic was highlighted for me during an instructive conversation.  One day I visited a large pipal tree shrine in Varanasi and there met a sadhvi , a female practitioner who had renounced ordinary domestic life to devote herself to spiritual pursuits.  At one point in our conversation she explained what she thought was the real value of worshiping a tree.  “From the heartfelt worship of a single tree one can see the divinity in that tree and feel love for it.  After some time, with knowledge one can then see the divinity in all trees.  Really, in all life.  All life is sacred because God is everywhere and in everything.  This tree is a svarupa of Vasudeva (Krishna).  As it says in the Bhagavad Gita, from devotion to a svarupa (one’s own particular form of God) comes awareness of the vishvarupa (universal form of God)” (Haberman 2013, 197).  In brief, this knowledgeable woman was advancing the idea that the worship of a particular has the possibility of expanding to a more reverent attitude toward the universal.  Regarding trees, her point was that the worship of a particular tree could lead to the realization of the sacrality of all trees – and by extension, of everything. 

With the comprehension of the universal via the particular we return full circle to the notion of sarvatma-bhava , the idea that everything is sacred. What first began as a proposition is now directly realized in experience.  Many within Hindu religious traditions maintain that it is precisely a reawakening to this deep sacred quality of all life that is the foundation for establishing a more sustainable human presence on the planet. The notions related to the Bhagavad Gita’s four “ s ’s” are deeply embedded in Hindu devotionalism.  Here, then, is a potential resource that is already in place within popular Hindu culture for an emerging environmental practice and ethic that can extend loving care to all of life.

Ahmed K., Kashyap S., and Sinha S. (2000) “Pollution of Hinduism” Down to Earth Science and Environment Fortnightly published by Centre for Science and Environment, New Delhi (February 15 th edition) 27-37.  Also now available online at: http://www.downtoearth.org.in/coverage/pollution-of-hinduisim-17622 .

Bruun O. and Kalland A. (1995) “Images of nature: an introduction to the study of man-environment relations in Asia” in Bruun O. and Kalland A. eds. Asian perceptions of nature Curzon Press, Richmond, UK 1-24.

Chapple C. (1998) “Toward an indigenous Indian environmentalism” in Nelson L. ed. Purifying the earthly body of God: religion and ecology in Hindu India State University of New York Press, Albany 13-37.

Chapple C. and Tucker M. eds. (2000) Hinduism and ecology Harvard University Press, Cambridge.

Epley N., Waytz A., Akalis S., and Cacioppo J. (2008) “When we need a human: motivational determinants of anthropomorphism” Social Cognition 26:2, 143-55.

Gadgil M. and Guha R. (1995) Ecology and equity Penguin Books, New Delhi.

Guha R. (1998) “Mahatma Gandhi and the environmental movement in India” in Kalland A. and Persoon G. eds. Environmental movements in Asia Curzon Press, Richmond, UK 65-82.

Guha R. (1999) The unquiet woods: Ecological change and peasant resistance in the Himalaya Oxford University Press, New Delhi.

Haberman D. (2006) River of love in an age of pollution: The Yamuna River of northern India University of California Press, Berkeley.

Haberman D. (2013) People trees: Worship of trees in northern India Oxford University Press, New York.

Jacobsen K. (1996) “Bhagavadgita, Ecosophy T, and deep ecology” Inquiry 39:2, 219-38.

Naess A. (1995) “Self-Realization: an ecological approach to being in the world” in Drengson A. and Yuichi I. eds. The Deep Ecology Movement: An introductory anthology North Atlantic Books, Berkeley 13-30.

Narayanan V. (2001) “Water, wood, and wisdom: ecological perspectives from the Hindu tradition” Daedalus 130:4, 179-206.

Nelson L. ed. (1998) Purifying the earthly body of God: Religion and ecology in Hindu India State University of New York Press, Albany.

Nelson L. (2000) “Reading the Bhagavadgita from an ecological perspective” in Chapple C. and Tucker M. eds. Hinduism and ecology Harvard University Press, Cambridge 127-64.

Pedersen P. (1995) “Nature, religion, and cultural identity: the religious environmental paradigm in Asia” in Bruun O. and Kalland A. eds. Asian perceptions of nature Curzon Press, Richmond, UK 258-76.

Sherma R. (1998) “Sacred immanence: reflections on ecofeminism in Hindu Tantra” in Nelson L. ed. Purifying the earthly body of God: Religion and ecology in Hindu India State University of New York Press, Albany 89-131.

Tam K., Lee S., and Chao M. (2013) “Saving Mr. Nature: Anthropomorphism enhances connectedness to and protectiveness toward nature” Journal of Experimental Social Psychology 49:3 514-21.

Tomalin E. (2004) “Bio-divinity and biodiversity: Perspectives on religion and environmental conservation in India” Numen 51:3 265-95. 

Tomalin E. (2009) Biodivinity and biodiversity: The limits to religious environmentalism Ashgate, Farnham, UK.

[1] In addition to numerous articles and several monographs, former studies of Hinduism and ecology include two useful volumes of essays written by various scholars (Chapple and Tucker 2000, Nelson 1998).

[2] More recently Emma Tomalin has argued for a distinction between what she calls bio-divinity and environmental concerns.  Bio-divinity refers to the notion that nature is infused with divinity.  This is an idea that has been current in India for a long time; the environmental crisis, however, is relatively new, as are the concerns related to it.  Tomalin insists, therefore, that “there is an immense difference between the priorities and concerns of the modern environmentalist and the world-views of much earlier Hindu sages, poets, and philosophers” (Tomalin, 2004, 267).  This does not mean, however, that aspects of Hinduism cannot be interpreted to support contemporary environmental thinking and action. As Tomalin recognizes, “Religious traditions constantly re-invent themselves precisely through making claims about the past in order to accommodate new ideas” (268). Sacred views of nature in India might indeed now be very useful as a resource to promote the protection and care of the environment.  In fact, this is precisely what is currently taking place.  Tomalin has also published a book expanding on this subject (2009).

[3] Ramachandra Guha maintains that “it is probably fair to say that the life and practice of Gandhi have been the single most important influence on the Indian environmental movement” (1998, 65-66).  The Norwegian philosopher and founder of deep ecology, Arne Naess, was greatly influenced by Gandhi; he took the conceptually central term “Self-Realization” from Gandhi, who in turn took it from the Bhagavad Gita (Naess 1995).

[4] See Guha (1999, 162).  The environmental activist and Chipko spokesperson Sunderlal Bahuguna frequently quotes from the Bhagavad Gita to support his own ecological theology.  The Chipko Movement and Bahuguna have been key sources for the Indian environmental movement. “Indeed, the origins of the Indian environmental movement can be fairly ascribed to that most celebrated of forest conflicts, the Chipko movement of the central Himalaya” (Gadgil and Guha 1995, 84).

[5] “Conserve ecology or perish – this in short, is one of the messages of the Gita , one of the most important scriptures of the Vedic way of life now known as Hinduism” (Ahmed, Kashyap, and Sinha 2000, 28).

[6] Two recent publications based on Shankaracharaya’s reading of the Bhagavad Gita challenge the validity of this position of the Bhagavad Gita (Jabobsen 1996, Nelson 2000).   See my own critical assessment of these articles (Haberman 2006, 29-37).

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