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Beginners Guide on International Relations Essay Topics

Updated 30 Aug 2024

Students who decide to study International Relations can help significantly in managing politics when they finish their studies. Choosing the right topic to deal with is essential, as it tackles one of the most burning issues.

International relations essay topics can sometimes be given by teachers, usually in lengthy lists that students can choose from. All of these assignments require outstanding research and a prolonged reading activity from the student and that's why you may ask "how can I write my essay with all these complicated guidelines?" and therefore seek out professional help on essay writing services such as Edubirdie.

These students must act as professional researchers in their local library and online to try and solve some unresolved issues from the past. Therefore, choosing just the right topic is essential as it can unlock and find solutions for burning issues from the past and apply them to the present and future.

This way, students of International Relations become politicians in a way, as they address and analyze deeply rooted problems and causes for conflict between nations.

What is an International Relations Essay?

The essence of an essay on the subject is that it aims to expand the students’ knowledge and further educate them. It is an essay where students convey great ideas from analyzing past events, and solutions are offered to be applied to the future of a nation.

They’re not just about finding a solution - they’re about finding the best solution. If you consider the Nuclear Deal of Iran, which you know the importance of, and have a written essay with an in-depth analysis of it, you may come to a better understanding of why it took place.

In such cases, the cause and effect essay topics are the best. You analyze the causes, see what effects they made, and write an essay covering the main reasons for why it happened precisely the way it did.

The structure of this type of paper is conventional and includes the following sections:

• Introduction Includes some key issues, the problem to be discussed and the outline of the essay stages.
• Main Body Has subheadings that break the entire essay into thematic sections. Includes key definition, facts, analysis and further discussion. Here is where all arguments are to be supported by the sources.
• Conclusion Summary of the key points (in other words). Includes analytical conclusion and your final opinion.

Also, you may come and will come to a better understanding of what can be done to prevent such an event from ever occurring again. Choosing the right topic for International Relations isn’t always easy, which is why you can read the tips below followed by a 200-example list of essay topics.

Tips for Choosing International Relations Topics for an Essay

The following three tips should help each individual choose the best topic for your future writing.

• Convey and combine ideas you already learned from your teacher and choose a topic you will be able to cover with the knowledge you already have at hand.
• Choose a topic connected to a burning issue from the past but can connect to the present.
• Choose a topic that requires research you can find online or in your local library.

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200 International Relations Essay Topics

Here’s a list of 200 creative and helpful essay topics for international relations:

• America and its allies will benefit from rising China
• Globalizations from a socio-economic point of view
• Origins, objectives, and development of Al Qaeda
• The conflict between America and Russia
• The foreign policy of America
• Cold War and American hegemony
• The Iranian revolution and the influence of America on it
• “Soft Power” Joseph Nye - analysis
• The foreign policy of America - analysis
• The importance of domestic policies and its relation to word’s situation
• International trade legislation and anti-dumping as its necessary part
• The analysis of decision making in foreign policies
• International Relations, concepts, and study in the Caribbean
• American involvement in Peru Tacna-Arica and Chile
• Economy, politics, and history of China
• Relations between China and Australia
• International Relations in colonial times
• Trade with Japan and Matthew Perry
• Realist and constructivist perspectives on Darfur and Rwanda genocide
• The global concept of security
• The theoretical critique of constructionism
• The 2014 crises - Ukraine and Crimea
• Darwin’s evolutionary theory and International Relations
• Communication across cultures
• Conflicts between Turkish Cypriots and Greek Cypriots in Cyprus
• International students and their impact on world’s education system
• Cooperation between world’s countries and their dynamics of change
• The war of the Pacific and the early American-Chilean relations
• The dispute between Japan and China over Senkaku Island - effects
• Indonesian official tourism website - analysis
• International Relations and ethics
• China’s intervention in the African Continent - challenges
• Youth Movement Protest - analysis
• The future of the English language
• World’s security committee and disarmament
• International Relations and gender
• American - German relations
• Communication on a global level
• International Relations and globalization
• Regional Institutions and globalization
• The new world group and Guyana
• Bilateral relations through history
• American foreign policy and South Sudan destabilization - effects
• How can we achieve world peace?
• International Relations - why do people choose to study them?
• The impact of World’s Organizations on the US
• International Relations and human nature
• Human rights on the global discourse
• The complete analysis of the humanitarian intervention
• Relations between world’s countries, realism, and idealism
• How does globalization affect people?
• International Relations and the impact of the Great Depression on them in the 1930s
• Public relations - analysis of world’s affairs
• A complete analysis of global businesses
• All about international communication
• The UN and its global governance
• Intercultural Relations’ international journal
• A comprehensive analysis of global businesses and their impact on the world economy
• Global Politics and International Relations
• The three theories of International Relations
• World Politics and its influence on an average citizen
• Are International Relations a form of a moral compass?
• International Relations from a realist and liberalistic point of view
• Joseph S. Nye and Robert O. Keohane and their theory about world’s politics
• Midterm International Relations
• Asian business model and its influence on the global market
• Djibouti International Relations
• The Palestinian-Israeli conflict and the global affairs
• Will there be more global businesses within the next 100 years?
• Questions and answers about world’s politics and global businesses
• Humanitarian intervention and word’s situation
• The theories and liberalism of International Relations
• The main theorists of International Relations
• Terrorist attacks on September 11 and how they influence the world
• International politics and hierarchy change
• How humans perceive politics in past and present
• America, Lebanon, and Beirut and the impact on the rest of the world
• Engagement of Japan with China - what to expect in future
• Why have populists become the reality of 21th century political arena?
• International security on the example of different countries
• World’s trade and globalization
• Arabic and Chinese international relations - investigation and analysis
• All about the affair Iran-Contra
• Foreign direct investment and Ireland’s attractiveness
• Did the desire for oil drive the US foreign policy in the Middle East?
• India - an emerging power or not?
• The UN and analysis of whether Turkey is ready to be a part of it?
• Analysis of the future relations between China and America
• All about the foreign policies of Latin America
• Did mainstream global businesses exclude the diversity of issues and voices?
• We must end the war before the war ends us
• Using foreign policies to maximize national security
• Turkey versus Afghanistan
• International Relations and the negotiations related to it
• International Relations as a framework to compare Liberalism and Neo-Realism
• All about the migrant flow from Nepal to Qatar
• A realistic interpretation of Korea’s world’s politics
• Geopolitics - an overview
• America and Russia during the Early Cold War - misperceptions and perceptions
• The South African Government and the policy brief addressed to it about Intervention
• Is the power of politics overestimated?
• The Sea Region and its power
• Overseas military bases and their common problems
• An analysis of Public Diplomacy
• The three types of realism - offensive, structuralist, and classical
• Constructivism and realism
• The Cold War - realism and liberalism
• The 1994 Rwanda Genocide and realism
• American and Iranian relations
• What will global politics face in the near future?
• Feminism and its influence on global politics and the perception of peace
• Korean War - a detailed review
• Saudi Arabia and its oil - benefits for the country
• An analysis of the Scottish Separatist Movement
• Will UK citizens regret Brexit within the next 50 years?
• The Russia-Ukraine conflict and whether the United States should get involved
• The embargo on Cuba - should America lift it?
• The United Nations Security Council and whether veto power should be abolished
• World’s politics and the participation of South Africa
• Declining significance of sovereignty and why such cases still take place
• Is there a chance to prevent war on the diplomatic level?
• The Mathias Risse and Thomas Pogge debate - summary
• Naming the Island - why is it so important for the Communist Party of China?
• Terrorism and its global spread
• The UN and the Ayatollah Ali Khamenei
• Haiti, Bosnia, and Somalia cases and their impact on the American foreign policy
• Islam and its changing nature
• The historical background of the Civil War in Sudan
• The Soviet Union and its collapse - analysis
• Is the Columbian Exchange a huge step towards globalization or not?
• What Would the world look like if there was only one country?
• Authoritarian and democratic states and their contrasting development
• Why are nuclear weapons equally dangerous and needed?
• All about Democratic Peace Theory
• Human trafficking in South Africa and its devastating effects
• American political and economic policies regarding Nafta, Wto, Balance of Trade and EU
• Imperialism and its effects
• A Via Media - all about the English School
• Matteo Legranzi about the changing Middle East - Economic coordination, security, and diplomacy
• How does Brexit influence other countries and their politics?
• An analysis of the Good Neighbor Policy
• What are the most significant causes of War?
• The impact of International Relations and climate change on the Philippines
• Global business and their impact on Zambia and China
• Modern liberalism and its main features
• How vital are military ethics in War?
• Saudi Arabia and the importance of their oil
• United Nations Security Council and its importance
• Intergovernmental authority - all about its development
• The order and disorder of the International System
• Thomas Massaro and his description of the Just War Theory
• Did the feminist approaches arrive late regarding International Relations Theory?
• Economic future of Hong Kong
• How does the maturation of war develop?
• World politics and the negative impact of realism
• International System and the New Sovereignty
• Global politics and the effects of the Nixon Doctrine on them
• How can humanity use historical facts to prevent losses in future?
• How crucial are the problems of Oversea Military Bases?
• The UN and its process of reformation
• Globalization and the approach towards it
• The notion of gender and its influence on global cooperation
• Indian and Chinese raise - analysis
• American Policy Stance for Iraq
• International Relations - a realist approach
• The UK and the UN relations
• Global politics and the role of diplomacy in the 19th century
• How crucial are the functions of the Carnegie and Rockefeller foundations?
• Second Industrial Revolution and world’s politics during that time
• Skeptic theory of morality and period of its main influence
• Relations between America and the UN
• International Relations - a structural theory
• Theories of past that took place in modern politics
• The UK and the United Arab Emirates
• The American Agency of International Development
• Theory and foreign policy: any differences?
• International theory and its three traditions
• The impact of the Zimmerman Telegram on America in WWI
• Creation of Israel and Truman
• Turkey - between Islam and the West
• South Africa and its labor relations, unemployment, and trade unions
• Why do global politics influence each country separately?
• Defense Policies and America
• American foreign policies in the past and present
• Chile and Peru and the involvement of America
• How important is energy independence for America?
• China and America - in conflict or cooperation?
• The forthcoming between China and America
• The Russo-Ukraine War
• Prospects for cooperation and conflict regarding water in the Middle East
• Djibouti - a road to a more substantial foothold
• International Political Administration - its strengths and weaknesses
• Security concerns and the Western states
• China or Russia? - which is a more significant threat to American National Security
• Why should I study International Relations?
• Why is power in the center of realist perspectives?
• The pact of non-aggression in 1939 - why did the Soviet Union sign it?
• What are the benefits of a good neighbour policy?
• How imperialism affected global politics and trade
• The Gulf and its Internal Relations

Essay Examples Relevant to International Relations

• International Relations
• Globalization
• Foreign Policy
• International Trade
• Human Rights

Understanding what this type of paper is about and its importance can help an individual see that choosing the right essay topics for international relations is essential. The tips listed above and the lengthy list of topics should help each individual look for the best International Relations topics.

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International Relations Essay: Definition, Outline, and a Step-by-Step Writing Guide

When it comes to writing an essay on international relations theories or a similar topic, it's all about striking the right balance between depth and clarity. In this article, we'll dive into the key steps of how to write an international relations essay on global issues. From doing thorough research to presenting your arguments effectively, we'll walk you through the process step by step. In case you need a rapid hands-on solution to an ongoing problem with a particular assignment, we can write essay for money tailored to all your needs.

What Is International Relations Essay?

International relations essays are scholarly compositions that explore and analyze various aspects of interactions between countries and the broader global community. These essays delve into diplomacy, conflict resolution, international organizations, global governance, and geopolitical dynamics. They often require rigorous research, critical analysis, and the synthesis of multiple perspectives to offer insights into complex global issues. This essay international relations students write pretty often aims to deepen their understanding of global affairs, shed light on key challenges, and propose potential solutions or interpretations of events.

How to Write an International Relations Essay?

Writing an international relations essay fosters understanding and dialogue about global issues. By examining complex international dynamics, these essays help individuals comprehend the interconnectedness of nations and the factors shaping international affairs. They provide platforms for discussing pressing global challenges such as conflict, climate change, human rights, and economic inequality, encouraging critical thinking and informed debate. Moreover, the importance of international relations essay is contributing to the development of diplomatic skills and promoting cross-cultural understanding, essential in a world increasingly defined by interdependence and diversity. Use these international relations essay tips to take your writing prowess to the next level.

Carefully Study the Essay Prompt

Before diving into writing, it's crucial to grasp the essay prompt thoroughly. Take time to dissect and interpret the international politics essay prompt, identifying its central themes, questions, or directives. Look for any specific instructions regarding the essay's scope, focus, or structure. Highlight key terms or concepts that will guide your analysis and argumentation. Understanding the prompt sets the foundation for a focused and relevant essay, ensuring that your writing addresses your instructor's or academic institution's core requirements and objectives.

Carry Out Research

Once you understand what’s required to do in an essay on international relations, undertake comprehensive research to gather relevant information and insights. Utilize various credible sources, including academic journals, books, government publications, and reputable websites. Take thorough notes, organizing your research materials systematically to facilitate later analysis and synthesis. Be discerning in evaluating sources, prioritizing those that offer rigorous analysis and empirical evidence. Effective research provides the foundation for constructing well-informed arguments and developing a nuanced understanding of the topic.

Cogitate a Thesis Statement

With a solid grasp of the prompt and research findings, craft a clear and concise international relation essay thesis statement. This statement should encapsulate the main argument or perspective that your essay will explore. It serves as the guiding principle for your writing, providing direction and focus for your analysis. A strong thesis statement is specific, debatable, and relevant to the topic, offering a compelling stance or interpretation that you will substantiate throughout the essay. Take time to refine your thesis statement, ensuring that it effectively captures the essence of your argument and sets the stage for a coherent and persuasive essay. ‘What if I write my essay online ?’ That would be wise if your energy levels are depleted and you need a good night’s sleep.

Outline the Essay Structure

Once you have a clear thesis, outline the structure of your essay. Divide it into an introduction, body paragraphs, and conclusion. In the introduction, provide context for your topic, introduce your thesis, and outline the main points you will discuss. Each body paragraph should focus on a single aspect or argument supported by evidence and analysis. Transition smoothly between paragraphs to maintain coherence. Finally, in the conclusion, summarize your main points, restate your thesis, and offer insights or suggestions for further research. A well-organized structure enhances readability and helps convey your ideas effectively.

Write and Revise

With your outline in hand, begin drafting your essay on politics. Write concise sentences and paragraphs, ensuring coherence and logical flow between ideas. Support your arguments with evidence and analysis, citing sources properly. After completing the first draft, take time to revise and refine your work. Check for clarity, coherence, and consistency of argumentation. Edit for grammar, punctuation, and style errors. Consider feedback from peers or instructors to strengthen your essay further. Revision is crucial in polishing your essay and ensuring it meets academic standards. You can hire an essay writer to polish your draft in and out.

Cite Sources and Format the Text

Properly cite all sources used in your essay to avoid plagiarism and give credit to the original authors. Follow the citation style specified by your instructors or academic institution, such as APA, MLA, or Chicago. Double-check the accuracy of citations and bibliography entries. Pay attention to formatting details such as font size, spacing, and margins, adhering to academic guidelines. Consistent and accurate citation and formatting enhance the professionalism and credibility of your essay.

International Relations Essay Structure

The international relations essay outline typically includes an introduction, body paragraphs, and a conclusion. The introduction sets the stage by providing context for the topic, presenting a clear thesis statement that outlines the main argument or perspective of the essay, and previewing the key points to be discussed. The body paragraphs delve into specific aspects of the topic, each focusing on a single argument or idea supported by evidence and analysis. Transition smoothly between paragraphs to maintain coherence and logical flow. Use evidence from credible sources to substantiate your claims and provide depth to your analysis. Finally, the conclusion summarizes the main points discussed, restates the thesis, and offers insights or suggestions for further research or consideration, leaving the reader with a lasting impression of the topic's significance. Aim for the optimal international relations essay length of 1500-3000 words.

International Relations Essay Introduction

The introduction is the gateway to your essay, setting the stage for what follows. Here, you provide context for your topic, engage the reader's interest, and present your thesis statement. Start with a compelling hook to grab the reader's attention, such as a relevant quote, statistic, or anecdote. Then, gradually transition to the broader topic, providing background information and explaining its significance in international relations. Finally, conclude the introduction with a concise thesis statement outlining your essay's main argument or perspective. This statement should be debatable, specific, and relevant to the topic, offering a roadmap for what the reader can expect to encounter in the subsequent sections of the essay. If you need instant academic relief, shop for essays for sale on our website.

The main body of your international relations essay is where you present and develop your arguments in detail. Each international relations essay paragraph of the main body should focus on a single aspect or argument related to your thesis statement. Begin each paragraph with a topic sentence introducing the main idea, followed by supporting evidence, analysis, and examples to substantiate your argument. Use a logical structure to organize your paragraphs, transitioning smoothly between ideas to maintain coherence and flow. Ensure that credible sources support your arguments and that you critically engage with different perspectives on the topic. Additionally, consider using subheadings to help organize your ideas and guide the reader through complex essay sections.

Conclusion of International Relations Essay

Think of an international relations essay conclusion as your opportunity to leave a lasting impression on the reader and reinforce the significance of your arguments. Begin by summarizing the main points discussed in the essay, highlighting the key findings and insights that have emerged. Then, restate your thesis statement, emphasizing how your analysis has contributed to a deeper understanding of the topic. Finally, offer some reflections or suggestions for further research, demonstrating the broader implications of your findings and leaving the reader with something to ponder. Avoid introducing new information or arguments in the conclusion; instead, focus on providing a concise and compelling synthesis of your essay's main ideas. Sounds like mission impossible? Then pay for paper and consider the assignment as good as ready!

International Relations Essay Topics

Below, you will find a diverse range of compelling topics in the field of international relations designed to inspire critical thinking and thoughtful analysis. From examining diplomatic relations between nations to exploring pressing global challenges, these international relations topics for essay provide fertile ground for insightful and engaging essays.

• Diplomatic negotiations and global peace.
• Climate change and international cooperation.
• Economic globalization's impact on developing nations.
• Humanitarian interventions in conflict zones.
• Cybersecurity threats in the digital age.
• Refugee crises and international response.
• Nuclear proliferation and disarmament efforts.
• Regional integration and its challenges.
• Terrorism and counterterrorism strategies.
• Gender inequality in international development.
• Environmental degradation and transboundary pollution.
• The role of international organizations in crisis management.
• Sovereignty disputes in the South China Sea.
• Ethnic conflict and reconciliation processes.
• Migration policies and human rights.
• The impact of social media on global politics.
• Energy security and resource competition.
• Human trafficking and international law enforcement.
• Cultural diplomacy and soft power projection.
• Health diplomacy and pandemic preparedness.
• Arms trade regulations and arms control agreements.
• International trade disputes and tariffs.
• Religious extremism and interfaith dialogue.
• Space exploration and international collaboration.
• Water scarcity and interstate conflicts.
• Maritime piracy and maritime security measures.
• Diaspora communities and their role in international relations.
• Indigenous rights and self-determination movements.
• Climate refugees and displacement challenges.
• Economic sanctions and their effectiveness in achieving policy goals.

Another interesting and simple topic is why I want to study international relations essay. It allows students to articulate their motivations, aspirations, and personal connections to the field. This topic encourages self-reflection and provides insight into the individual's interests and potential contributions to the study and practice of international relations.

International Relations Essay Examples

Examples of international relations essays can be incredibly beneficial for students as they provide practical illustrations of effective argumentation, research techniques, and writing styles within the discipline. By studying these examples, students can learn how to structure their essays, develop coherent arguments, and effectively incorporate scholarly sources to support their points. Additionally, analyzing diverse examples exposes students to manifold topics and perspectives, enriching their understanding of international relations issues and approaches.

Working on an interpersonal relationship essay allows students to explore human connections, communication, and interaction dynamics. These essays provide an opportunity to delve into the complexities of relationships within various contexts, including personal, familial, romantic, professional, and societal. By examining factors such as trust, empathy, conflict resolution, and social influence, students gain insights into the intricacies of building and maintaining meaningful connections with others. Moreover, interpersonal relationship essays often encourage reflection on one's experiences, attitudes, and behaviors, fostering self-awareness and emotional intelligence. throughout their lives. To hone your skills, you can also consider reading the guide on what is gender equality essay and how to write it well.

Frequently asked questions

What are some good international relations essay questions, how to explain the constructivism international relations essay, what are the implications of positivism for the study of international relations essay.

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International Relations Argumentative Essays Samples For Students

13 samples of this type

Regardless of how high you rate your writing skills, it's always a good idea to check out an expertly written Argumentative Essay example, especially when you're dealing with a sophisticated International Relations topic. This is precisely the case when WowEssays.com catalog of sample Argumentative Essays on International Relations will come in useful. Whether you need to think up a fresh and meaningful International Relations Argumentative Essay topic or look into the paper's structure or formatting peculiarities, our samples will provide you with the required material.

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The Feminist Approach In International Relations Argumentative Essays Examples

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Global Diplomacy Argumentative Essay Examples

Argumentative essay on sovereignty and the other principles of the westphalian model, court argumentative essay example, the hostage crisis, a key to understanding modernity, argumentative essay on powers of the states in the period of globalization.

In 21st century globalization has touched all aspect of business, economy, trade, and government system. Globalization altered the way businesses were operating and governments were handling international relations. Experts have different opinion on globalization, few consider that globalization has reduced the power of nation state because of global capital. Some experts said that nation-state is still powerful, and adopt changes developed by globalization. This paper intends to discuss the impact of globalization on nation states, and how globalization reduced the power of the state.

The Constructivist Copenhagen And Critical Approaches To Security Argumentative Essay

Argumentative essay on will the world be more peaceful if women dominated politics, introduction, the cause of iraq war argumentative essays examples, example of transition to democratic governance in tunisia post arab spring: feasibility & influences argumentative essay, academic or professional institution, the rise of china and the security implications to the region argumentative essay sample, example of the syrian opposition argumentative essay, the syrian opposition.

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Historical and International Relations-Related Arguments Essay

• To find inspiration for your paper and overcome writer’s block
• As a source of information (ensure proper referencing)
• As a template for you assignment

Introduction

Main types of sources, main constituent units of systems, structural relationships between constituent units, actors’ interaction capacity, processes that formed the basis for interaction, sectors in article’s focus, reference list.

The analysis of historical and international relations-related arguments is best structured and logically arranged when it is conducted on the basis of a specifically designed framework. Buzan and Little’s (2000) toolkit allows for differentiating between sources of evidence, units, structure, interaction capacity, processes, and sectors when investigating the strengths of scholars’ arguments. In this paper, the article by Abu-Lughod (1990) will be analyzed using the abovementioned toolkit.

Abu-Lughod (1990) argues that to explain the world system of modernity, one should incorporate a multifaceted structural view of the complexity of preceding historical events. Since most scholars investigate the rise of the West as the dominant process in the world system for the past 500 years, Abu-Lughod (1990) emphasizes the need to restructure the premodern world system. When differentiating between the economic, trade, and political systems of the past and the world system of modern times, the future tendencies of global international relations might be easier to research.

The World system is perceived as a multifaceted and large-scale concept in the context of international relations due to the involvement of the whole global community in its formation. According to Abu-Lughod (1990), the world system has developed in agreement with evolutionary laws, where predeceasing events determine the processes that happen later. To support the presented argument of the article, the scholar integrates several sources of evidence, most of which are manifested through reputable scholarly publications, theoretical frameworks, and academic ideas. In particular, when referring to the sources of explanation as defined by Buzan and Little (2000), they include “interaction capacity, process, and structure,” which characterize the relationship between variables of an argument (p. 77). Using these sources of explanation helps scholars integrate multiple perspectives on the investigated issue, illustrating the complexity of ties between variables.

Referring to the world systems theory, Abu-Lughod (1990) appeals to all three sources of explanation to make his argument strong and clear. Indeed, the author refers to historical processes, structural particularities of the world in the past centuries, as well as the capacity of different units to interact with one another to gain desired benefits (Abu-Lughod, 1990). Thus, the multitude of types of evidence and sources of explanation allows for claiming that the argument is solid and well-supported.

Within the context of the world system that the scholar in the article explicitly addresses, one should identify the main constituent units to understand the relationship between them that lead to the system’s functioning. In particular, as implied by the toolkit presented by Buzan and Little (2000), units are essential concepts for understanding international relations processes since they allow for structuring and hierarchically differentiating between smaller parts of a large system. More specifically, the definition of a unit holds that it is an entity “composed of various sub-groups, organizations, communities, and many individuals, sufficiently cohesive to have actor quality, and sufficiently independent to be differentiated from others and to have standing at the higher levels” (Buzon and Little, 2000, p. 101). Since independence and the ability to be a subject of action serve as the core characteristics of units in the system, one might state that Abu-Lughod (1990) refers to several constituent units in his article.

Namely, since the author opposes Europe and the West, these two parts of the world are considered units (Abu-Lughod, 1990). Furthermore, nations and societies of separate regions and countries represent a lower level of units within the world system. In addition, large towns in Europe also played the roles of units in the premodern times (Abu-Lughod, 1990). Thus, the reference to the world system as a large constituent, within which there exist many smaller units, helps the author build comprehensive support for his argument.

As it has been stated earlier, the reference to constituent units allows for explaining the principles of the whole system’s functioning. As defined by Buzan and Little (2000), structural relationships imply the ways in which “units are arranged into a system, how units are differentiated from each other (p. 84). In the case of Abu-Lughod’s (1990) argument, the structural relationships between Europe and the West since the thirteenth century have changed from the subordination of the former to the latter to equal distribution of power.

Furthermore, the differentiation between units implies that the societies and nations of the world interact on the basis of the nature of relationships between the higher-level units. For example, Abu-Lughod (1990) states that in the thirteenth century, the “world system was organized around three or possibly four cores,” represented by strategically important trade regions (p. 275). Therefore, the societies and nations residing in those regions were hierarchically lower in relation to the regions as constituent units of the world system.

The units within the system are regarded as actors who can perform their roles in the interactions. For that matter, the interaction capacity, or the capabilities of units to involve in the relationships and exchanges with other units, relies on the multitude of processes. In particular, one of the most important interactions explicitly referred to in Abu-Lughod’s (1990) article is trade, which involved an exchange of goods between strategically important regions for their proper economic functioning. Furthermore, the interaction capacity involves cultural, political, military, and financial exchanges that characterize the character of relations between the units.

The basis for the above-mentioned interactions is formed by specific large-scale processes. According to Buzan and Little (2000), a process is “a product of the dynamics of the interactions among the units in the system and the use made of the existing interaction capacity by these units” (p. 79). Abu-Lughod (1990) both explicitly and implicitly refers to war, the balance of power, alliances, trade competition, and diplomacy as the main processes that enable the interaction between the regions and the nations within the world system. In particular, the author argues that these processes formed the core ground for structuring the world into multi-centered entities, which predetermines the complexity of the modern world system.

When unfolding the relationships and processes that contribute to the units’ interaction, the author of the analyzed article implicitly emphasizes the decisive role of several specific sectors. Since Abu-Lughod (1990) addresses the evolution of the world system at large, his discussion refers to the authentic sectors, such as social and economic ones, which originated in the premodern times. In addition, the scholar refers to the military-political sector in the context of the distribution of the power of global influence between different regions of the world (Abu-Lughod, 1990). The environmental sector is partially addressed in the context of the impact of local geographical and health-related particularities that changed the interactions between units at different times.

To summarize, the analysis of the article was conducted using the toolkit that helped identify significant elements of the author’s argument. It was revealed that within the world system of the premodern era, Europe, Asia, and the West were large decisive units that cooperated within economic, social, military-political, and environmental sectors. The author uses such sources of explanation as interaction capacity, processes, and structure to argue that the contemporary world order heavily relies on the processes of the past.

Buzan, B. and Little, R. (2000) International systems in world history: remaking the study of international relations. New York: Oxford University Press.

Abu-Lughod, J. (1990) ‘Restructuring the premodern world-system’, Review (Fernand Braudel Center) ,13(2), pp. 273-286.

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IvyPanda. (2023, November 18). Historical and International Relations-Related Arguments. https://ivypanda.com/essays/historical-and-international-relations-related-arguments/

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International Relations Essay Topics

Welcome to The Knowledge Nest, your go-to resource for comprehensive and diverse essay topic ideas on international relations. In this article, we have curated a list of thought-provoking essay topics that will help enhance your understanding of global politics and international relations. Whether you are a student, researcher, or simply interested in this fascinating field, our essay topics will provide you with a wealth of information to explore.

Understanding International Relations

International relations play a pivotal role in shaping our world today. They involve the study of political, economic, and social interactions between different countries, as well as organizations and individuals on a global scale. By examining various aspects of international relations, we can gain a deeper understanding of the complexities and dynamics that shape our interconnected world.

Exploring Essay Topics

At The Knowledge Nest, we understand the importance of choosing the right essay topic. A well-selected topic not only generates interest but also allows for in-depth analysis and critical thinking. Our essay topics cover a wide range of subjects within the field of international relations, ensuring that there is something for everyone.

1. The Impact of Globalization on International Relations

Explore the effects of globalization on international relations. Discuss how increased interconnectedness, economic integration, and cultural diffusion have influenced the dynamics between nations and the global community as a whole.

2. The Role of Diplomacy in International Relations

Analyze the significance of diplomacy in maintaining peaceful relations between nations. Examine the strategies, techniques, and challenges involved in modern diplomatic practices and discuss their impact on global politics.

3. The Rise and Fall of Superpowers

Investigate the historical rise and fall of superpowers throughout history. Delve into the factors that contribute to the emergence of global powers and the challenges they face in maintaining their status.

4. Human Rights in International Relations

Examine the role of human rights in shaping international relations. Discuss the importance of promoting and protecting human rights in global politics and the various mechanisms in place to ensure compliance.

5. Conflict Resolution and Peacebuilding

Explore different theories and approaches to conflict resolution and peacebuilding. Analyze case studies and evaluate the effectiveness of various strategies in mitigating conflicts and fostering long-term peace.

6. Global Governance and International Organizations

Analyze the role of international organizations in global governance. Discuss the challenges faced by these organizations in addressing global issues, such as climate change, terrorism, and poverty, and evaluate their impact on international relations.

7. Nationalism and Its Impact on International Relations

Examine the role of nationalism in international relations. Discuss how nationalism influences the behavior of nations, shapes their foreign policies, and impacts political and economic interactions between countries.

8. Cybersecurity in the Digital Age

Investigate the challenges posed by cybersecurity in the context of international relations. Explore the role of state actors and non-state actors in cyber warfare and assess the implications for global security.

The Importance of International Relations Essays

Writing essays on international relations offers a multitude of benefits. These essays provide a platform to enhance critical thinking, research skills, and the ability to articulate complex ideas. Furthermore, they enable students and scholars to contribute to the academic discourse in the field, foster innovative ideas, and explore new perspectives.

As you can see, The Knowledge Nest is dedicated to providing you with an extensive selection of international relations essay topics to inspire and challenge your intellect. We believe that through these essays, you can delve into the intricacies of global politics, engage with pressing issues, and gain a deeper understanding of our ever-changing world. So, go ahead and choose a topic that piques your interest, and embark on an enriching journey of knowledge and discovery.

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Political Realism in International Relations

In the discipline of international relations there are contending general theories or theoretical perspectives. Realism, also known as political realism, is a view of international politics that stresses its competitive and conflictual side. It is usually contrasted with idealism or liberalism, which tends to emphasize cooperation. Realists consider the principal actors in the international arena to be states, which are concerned with their own security, act in pursuit of their own national interests, and struggle for power. The negative side of the realists’ emphasis on power and self-interest is often their skepticism regarding the relevance of ethical norms to relations among states. National politics is the realm of authority and law, whereas international politics, they sometimes claim, is a sphere without justice, characterized by active or potential conflict among states, where ethical standards do not apply.

Not all realists, however, deny the presence of prescriptive ethics in international relations. The distinction should be drawn between classical realism—represented by such twentieth-century theorists as Reinhold Niebuhr and Hans Morgenthau—and radical or extreme realism. While classical realism emphasizes the concept of national interest, it is not the Machiavellian doctrine “that anything is justified by reason of state” (Bull 1995, 189). Nor does it involve the glorification of war or conflict. The classical realists do not reject the possibility of moral judgment in international politics. Rather, they are critical of moralism—abstract moral discourse that does not take into account political realities. They assign ethical value to successful political action based on prudence: the ability to judge the rightness of a given action from among possible alternatives on the basis of its likely political consequences.

Realism encompasses a variety of approaches and claims a long theoretical tradition. Among its founding fathers, Thucydides, Machiavelli and Hobbes are the names most usually mentioned. Twentieth-century classical realism has today been largely replaced by neorealism, which is an attempt to construct a more scientific approach to the study of international relations. Both classical realism and neorealism have been subjected to criticism from IR theorists representing liberal, critical, and post-modern perspectives. The growing tensions among superpowers have revived the realist-idealist debate in the twenty-first century and have led to a resurgence of interest in the realist tradition.

1.1 Thucydides and the Importance of Power

1.2 machiavelli’s critique of the moral tradition, 1.3 hobbes’s anarchic state of nature, 2.1 e. h. carr’s challenge to utopian idealism, 2.2 hans morgenthau’s realist principles, 3.1 kenneth waltz’s international system, 3.2 objections to neorealism, 4. conclusion: the cautionary and changing character of realism, other internet resources, related entries, 1. the roots of the realist tradition.

Like other classical political theorists, Thucydides (c. 460–c. 400 B.C.E.) saw politics as involving moral questions. Most importantly, he asks whether relations among states to which power is crucial can also be guided by the norms of justice. His History of the Peloponnesian War is in fact neither a work of political philosophy nor a sustained theory of international relations. Much of this work, which presents a partial account of the armed conflict between Athens and Sparta that took place from 431 to 404 B.C.E., consists of paired speeches by personages who argue opposing sides of an issue. Nevertheless, if the History is described as the only acknowledged classical text in international relations, and if it inspires theorists from Hobbes to contemporary international relations scholars, this is because it is more than a chronicle of events, and a theoretical position can be extrapolated from it. Realism is expressed in the very first speech of the Athenians recorded in the History —a speech given at the debate that took place in Sparta just before the war. Moreover, a realist perspective is implied in the way Thucydides explains the cause of the Peloponnesian War, and also in the famous “Melian Dialogue,” in the statements made by the Athenian envoys.

1.1.1 General Features of Realism in International Relations

International relations realists emphasize the constraints imposed on politics by the nature of human beings, whom they consider egoistic, and by the absence of international government. Together these factors contribute to a conflict-based paradigm of international relations, in which the key actors are states, in which power and security become the main issues, and in which there is little place for ethical norms. The set of premises concerning state actors, egoism, anarchy, power, security, and ethics that define the realist tradition are all present in Thucydides.

(1) Human nature is a starting point for classical political realism. Realists view human beings as inherently egoistic and self-interested to the extent that self-interest overcomes moral principles. At the debate in Sparta, described in Book I of Thucydides’ History , the Athenians affirm the priority of self-interest over morality. They say that considerations of right and wrong have “never turned people aside from the opportunities of aggrandizement offered by superior strength” (chap. 1 par. 76).

(2) Realists, and especially today’s neorealists, consider the absence of government, literally anarchy , to be the primary determinant of international political outcomes. The lack of a common rule-making and enforcing authority means, they argue, that the international arena is essentially a self-help system. Each state is responsible for its own survival and is free to define its own interests and to pursue power. Anarchy thus leads to a situation in which power has the overriding role in shaping interstate relations. In the words of the Athenian envoys at Melos, without any common authority that can enforce order, “the independent states survive [only] when they are powerful” (5.97).

(3) Insofar as realists envision the world of states as anarchic, they likewise view security as a central issue. To attain security, states try to increase their power and engage in power-balancing for the purpose of deterring potential aggressors. Wars are fought to prevent competing nations from becoming militarily stronger. Thucydides, while distinguishing between the immediate and underlying causes of the Peloponnesian War, does not see its real cause in any of the particular events that immediately preceded its outbreak. He instead locates the cause of the war in the changing distribution of power between the two blocs of Greek city-states: the Delian League, under the leadership of Athens, and the Peloponnesian League, under the leadership of Sparta. According to him, the growth of Athenian power made the Spartans afraid for their security, and thus propelled them into war (1.23). Referring to this situation, Graham Allison has popularized the expression “Thucydides trap” to describe the danger which occurs when a rising power rivals an established one (2017).

(4) Realists are generally skeptical about the relevance of ethics to international politics. This can lead them to claim that there is no place for morality in the prescriptive sense in international relations, or that there is a tension between demands of morality and requirements of successful political action, or that states have their own morality that is different from customary morality, or that morality, if employed at all, is merely used instrumentally to justify states’ conduct. A clear case of the rejection of ethical norms in relations among states can be found in the “Melian Dialogue” (5.85–113). This dialogue relates to the events of 416 B.C.E., when Athens invaded the island of Melos. The Athenian envoys presented the Melians with a choice, destruction or surrender, and from the outset asked them not to appeal to justice, but to think only about their survival. In the envoys’ words, “We both know that the decisions about justice are made in human discussions only when both sides are under equal compulsion, but when one side is stronger, it gets as much as it can, and the weak must accept that” (5.89). To be “under equal compulsion” means to be under the force of law, and thus to be subjected to a common lawgiving authority (Korab-Karpowicz 2006, 234). Since such an authority above states does not exist, the Athenians argue that in this lawless condition of international anarchy, the only right is the right of the stronger to dominate the weaker. They explicitly equate right with might, and exclude considerations of justice from foreign affairs.

1.1.2 The “Melian Dialogue”—The First Realist-Idealist Debate

We can thus find strong support for a realist perspective in the statements of the Athenians. The question remains, however, to what extent their realism coincides with Thucydides’ own viewpoint. Although substantial passages of the “Melian Dialogue,” as well as other parts of the History support a realistic reading, Thucydides’ position cannot be deduced from such selected fragments, but rather must be assessed on the basis of the wider context of his book. In fact, even the “Melian Dialogue” itself provides us with a number of contending views.

Political realism is usually contrasted by IR scholars with idealism or liberalism, a theoretical perspective that emphasizes international norms, interdependence among states, and international cooperation. The “Melian Dialogue,” which is one of the most frequently commented-upon parts of Thucydides’ History , presents the classic debate between the idealist and realist views: Can international politics be based on a moral order derived from the principles of justice, or will it forever remain the arena of conflicting national interests and power?

For the Melians, who employ idealistic arguments, the choice is between war and subjection (5.86). They are courageous and love their country. They do not wish to lose their freedom, and in spite of the fact that they are militarily weaker than the Athenians, they are prepared to defend themselves (5.100; 5.112). They base their arguments on an appeal to justice, which they associate with fairness, and regard the Athenians as unjust (5.90; 5.104). They are pious, believing that gods will support their just cause and compensate for their weakness, and trust in alliances, thinking that their allies, the Spartans, who are also related to them, will help them (5.104; 5.112). Hence, one can identify in the speech of the Melians elements of the idealistic or liberal world view: the belief that nations have the right to exercise political independence, that they have mutual obligations to one another and will carry out such obligations, and that a war of aggression is unjust. What the Melians nevertheless lack are resources and foresight. In their decision to defend themselves, they are guided more by their hopes than by the evidence at hand or by prudent calculations.

The Athenian argument is based on key realist concepts such as security and power, and is informed not by what the world should be, but by what it is. The Athenians disregard any moral talk and urge the Melians to look at the facts—that is, to recognize their military inferiority, to consider the potential consequences of their decision, and to think about their own survival (5.87; 5.101). There appears to be a powerful realist logic behind the Athenian arguments. Their position, based on security concerns and self-interest, seemingly involves reliance on rationality, intelligence, and foresight. However, upon close examination, their logic proves to be seriously flawed. Melos, a relatively weak state, does not pose any real security threat to them. The eventual destruction of Melos does not change the course of the Peloponnesian War, which Athens will lose a few years later.

In the History , Thucydides shows that power, if it is unrestrained by moderation and a sense of justice, brings about the uncontrolled desire for more power. There are no logical limits to the size of an empire. Drunk with the prospect of glory and gain, after conquering Melos, the Athenians engage in a war against Sicily. They pay no attention to the Melian argument that considerations of justice are useful to all in the longer run (5.90). And, as the Athenians overestimate their strength and in the end lose the war, their self-interested logic proves to be very shortsighted indeed.

It is utopian to ignore the reality of power in international relations, but it is equally blind to rely on power alone. Thucydides appears to support neither the naive idealism of the Melians nor the cynicism of their Athenian opponents. He teaches us to be on guard “against naïve-dreaming on international politics,” on the one hand, and “against the other pernicious extreme: unrestrained cynicism,” on the other (Donnelly 2000, 193). If he can be regarded as a political realist, his realism nonetheless prefigures neither realpolitik , in which prescriptive ethics is rejected, nor today’s scientific neorealism, in which moral questions are largely ignored. Thucydides’ realism, neither immoral nor amoral, can rather be compared to that of Hans Morgenthau, Raymond Aron, and other twentieth-century classical realists, who, although sensible to the demands of national interest, would not deny that political actors on the international scene are subject to moral judgment.

Idealism in international relations, like realism, can lay claim to a long tradition. Unsatisfied with the world as they have found it, idealists have always tried to answer the question of “what ought to be” in politics. Plato, Aristotle, and Cicero were all political idealists who believed that there were some universal moral values on which political life could be based. Building on the work of his predecessors, Cicero developed the idea of a natural moral law that was applicable to both domestic and international politics. His ideas concerning righteousness in war were carried further in the writings of the Christian thinkers St. Augustine and St. Thomas Aquinas. In the late fifteenth century, when Niccolò Machiavelli was born, the idea that politics, including the relations among states, should be virtuous, and that the methods of warfare should remain subordinated to ethical standards, still predominated in political literature.

Machiavelli (1469–1527) challenged this well-established moral tradition, thus positioning himself as a political innovator. The novelty of his approach lies in his critique of classical Western political thought as unrealistic, aiming too high, and in his separation of politics from ethics. He thereby lays the foundations for modern politics focussed on self-interest. In chapter XV of The Prince , Machiavelli announces that in departing from the teachings of earlier thinkers, he seeks “the effectual truth of the matter rather than the imagined one.” The “effectual truth” is for him the only truth worth seeking. It represents the sum of the practical conditions that he believes are required to make both the individual and the country prosperous and strong. Machiavelli replaces the ancient virtue (a moral quality of the individual, such as justice or self-restraint) with virtù , ability or vigor. As a prophet of virtù , he promises to lead both nations and individuals to earthly glory and power.

Machiavellianism is a radical type of political realism that is applied to both domestic and international affairs. It is sometimes called realpolitik , and is a doctrine which denies the relevance of ethics in politics, and claims that all means (moral and immoral) are justified to achieve certain political ends. Although Machiavelli never uses the phrase ragione di stato or its French equivalent, raison d’état , what ultimately counts for him is precisely that: whatever is good for the state, rather than ethical scruples or norms

Machiavelli justified immoral actions in politics, but never refused to admit that they are evil. He operated within the single framework of traditional morality. It became a specific task of his nineteenth-century followers to develop the doctrine of a double ethics: one public and one private, to push Machiavellian realism to even further extremes, and to apply it to international relations. By asserting that “the state has no higher duty than of maintaining itself,” Hegel gave an ethical sanction to the state’s promotion of its own interest and advantage against other states (Meinecke 357). Thus he overturned the traditional beliefs about morality. The good of the state was perversely interpreted by him as the highest moral value, with the extension of national power regarded as a nation’s right and duty. Then, referring to Machiavelli, Heinrich von Treitschke declared that the state was power, precisely in order to assert itself as against other equally independent powers, and that the supreme moral duty of the state was to foster this power. He considered international agreements to be binding only insofar as it was expedient for the state. The idea of an autonomous ethics of state behavior and the concept of realpolitik were thus introduced. Traditional, customary ethics was denied and power politics was associated with a “higher” type of morality. These concepts, along with the belief in the superiority of Germanic culture, served as weapons with which German statesmen, from the eighteenth century to the end of the Second World War, justified their policies of conquest and extermination.

Machiavelli is often praised for his prudential advice to leaders (which has caused him to be regarded as a founding master of modern political strategy) and for his defense of the republican form of government. There are certainly many aspects of his thought that merit such praise. Nevertheless, it is also possible to see him as the thinker who bears foremost responsibility for the de-moralization of Europe. The argument of the Athenian envoys presented in Thucydides’ “Melian Dialogue,” that of Thrasymachus in Plato’s Republic , or that of Carneades, to whom Cicero refers—all of these challenge the ancient and Christian views of the unity of politics and ethics. However, before Machiavelli, this amoral or immoral mode of thinking had never prevailed in the mainstream of Western political thought. It was the force and timeliness of his justification of resorting to evil as a legitimate means of achieving political ends that persuaded so many of the thinkers and political practitioners who followed him. The effects of Machiavellian ideas, such as the notion that the employment of all possible means was permissible in war, would be seen on the battlefields of modern Europe, as mass citizen armies fought against each other to the bitter end without regard for the rules of justice. The tension between expediency and morality lost its validity in the sphere of politics. The concept of a double ethics that created a further damage to traditional morality, was invented. The doctrine of raison d’état ultimately led to the politics of Lebensraum , two world wars, and the Holocaust.

Perhaps the greatest problem with realism in international relations is that it has a tendency to slip into its extreme version, which accepts any policy that can benefit the state at the expense of other states, no matter how morally problematic the policy is. Even if they do not explicitly raise ethical questions, in the works of Waltz and of many other of today’s neorealists, a double ethics, public and private, is presupposed, and words such realpolitik no longer have the negative connotations that they had for classical realists, such as Hans Morgenthau.

Thomas Hobbes (1588–1683) was part of an intellectual movement whose goal was to free the emerging modern science from the constraints of the classical and scholastic heritage. According to classical political philosophy, on which the idealist perspective is based, human beings can control their desires through reason and can work for the benefit of others, even at the expense of their own benefit. They are thus both rational and moral agents, capable of distinguishing between right and wrong, and of making moral choices. They are also naturally social. With great skill Hobbes attacks these views. His human beings, extremely individualistic rather than moral or social, are subject to “a perpetual and restless desire of power after power, that ceases only in death” ( Leviathan XI 2). They therefore inevitably struggle for power. In setting out such ideas, Hobbes contributes to some of the basic conceptions fundamental to the realist tradition in international relations, and especially to neorealism. These include the characterization of human nature as egoistic, the concept of international anarchy, and the view that politics, rooted in the struggle for power, can be rationalized and studied scientifically.

One of the most widely known Hobbesian concepts is that of the anarchic state of nature, seen as entailing a state of war—and “such a war as is of every man against every man” (XII 8). He derives his notion of the state of war from his views of both human nature and the condition in which individuals exist. Since in the state of nature there is no government and everyone enjoys equal status, every individual has a right to everything; that is, there are no constraints on an individual’s behavior. Anyone may at any time use force, and all must constantly be ready to counter such force with force. Hence, driven by acquisitiveness, having no moral restraints, and motivated to compete for scarce goods, individuals are apt to “invade” one another for gain. Being suspicious of one another and driven by fear, they are also likely to engage in preemptive actions and invade one another to ensure their own safety. Finally, individuals are also driven by pride and a desire for glory. Whether for gain, safety, or reputation, power-seeking individuals will thus “endeavor to destroy or subdue one another” (XIII 3). In such uncertain conditions where everyone is a potential aggressor, making war on others is a more advantageous strategy than peaceable behavior, and one needs to learn that domination over others is necessary for one’s own continued survival.

Hobbes is primarily concerned with the relationship between individuals and the state, and his comments about relations among states are scarce. Nevertheless, what he says about the lives of individuals in the state of nature can also be interpreted as a description of how states exist in relation to one another. Once states are established, the individual drive for power becomes the basis for the states’ behavior, which often manifests itself in their efforts to dominate other states and peoples. States, “for their own security,” writes Hobbes, “enlarge their dominions upon all pretences of danger and fear of invasion or assistance that may be given to invaders, [and] endeavour as much as they can, to subdue and weaken their neighbors” (XIX 4). Accordingly, the quest and struggle for power lies at the core of the Hobbesian vision of relations among states. The same would later be true of the model of international relations developed by Hans Morgenthau, who was deeply influenced by Hobbes and adopted the same view of human nature. Similarly, the neorealist Kenneth Waltz would follow Hobbes’ lead regarding international anarchy (the fact that sovereign states are not subject to any higher common sovereign) as the essential element of international relations.

By subjecting themselves to a sovereign, individuals escape the war of all against all which Hobbes associates with the state of nature; however, this war continues to dominate relations among states. This does not mean that states are always fighting, but rather that they have a disposition to fight (XIII 8). With each state deciding for itself whether or not to use force, war may break out at any time. The achievement of domestic security through the creation of a state is then paralleled by a condition of inter-state insecurity. One can argue that if Hobbes were fully consistent, he would agree with the notion that, to escape this condition, states should also enter into a contract and submit themselves to a world sovereign. Although the idea of a world state would find support among some of today’s realists, this is not a position taken by Hobbes himself. He does not propose that a social contract among nations be implemented to bring international anarchy to an end. This is because the condition of insecurity in which states are placed does not necessarily lead to insecurity for their citizens. As long as an armed conflict or other type of hostility between states does not actually break out, individuals within a state can feel relatively secure.

The denial of the existence of universal moral principles and norms in the relations among states brings Hobbes close to the Machiavellians and the followers of the doctrine of raison d’état . His theory of international relations, which assumes that independent states, like independent individuals, are enemies by nature, asocial and selfish, and that there is no moral limitation on their behavior, is a great challenge to the idealist political vision based on human sociability and to the concept of the international jurisprudence that is built on this vision. However, what separates Hobbes from Machiavelli and associates him more with classical realism is his insistence on the defensive character of foreign policy. His political theory does not put forward the invitation to do whatever may be advantageous for the state. His approach to international relations is prudential and pacific: sovereign states, like individuals, should be disposed towards peace which is commended by reason.

What Waltz and other neorealist readers of Hobbes’s works sometimes overlook is that he does not perceive international anarchy as an environment without any rules. By suggesting that certain dictates of reason apply even in the state of nature, he affirms that more peaceful and cooperative international relations are possible. Neither does he deny the existence of international law. Sovereign states can sign treaties with one another to provide a legal basis for their relations. At the same time, however, Hobbes seems aware that international rules will often prove ineffective in restraining the struggle for power. States will interpret them to their own advantage, and so international law will be obeyed or ignored according to the interests of the states affected. Hence, international relations will always tend to be a precarious affair. This grim view of global politics lies at the core of Hobbes’s realism.

2. Twentieth Century Classical Realism

Twentieth-century realism was born in response to the idealist perspective that dominated international relations scholarship in the aftermath of the First World War. The idealists of the 1920s and 1930s (also called liberal internationalists or utopians) had the goal of building peace in order to prevent another world conflict. They saw the solution to inter-state problems as being the creation of a respected system of international law, backed by international organizations. This interwar idealism resulted in the founding of the League of Nations in 1920 and in the Kellogg-Briand Pact of 1928 outlawing war and providing for the peaceful settlements of disputes. U.S. President Woodrow Wilson, scholars such as Norman Angell, Alfred Zimmern, and Raymond B. Fosdick, and other prominent idealists of the era, gave their intellectual support to the League of Nations. Instead of focusing on what some might see as the inevitability of conflict between states and peoples, they chose to emphasize the common interests that could unite humanity, and attempted to appeal to rationality and morality. For them, war did not originate in an egoistic human nature, but rather in imperfect social conditions and political arrangements, which could be improved. Yet their ideas were already being criticized in the early 1930s by Reinhold Niebuhr and within a few years by E. H. Carr. The League of Nations, which the United States never joined, and from which Japan and Germany withdrew, could not prevent the outbreak of the Second World War. This fact, perhaps more than any theoretical argument, contributed to the development of the realist theory. Although the United Nations, founded in 1945, can still be regarded as a product of idealist political thinking, the discipline of international relations was profoundly influenced in the initial years of the post-war period by the works of “classical” realists such as John H. Herz, Hans Morgenthau, George Kennan, and Raymond Aron. Then, during the 1950s and 1960s, classical realism came under challenge of scholars who tried to introduce a more scientific approach to the study of international politics. During the 1980s it gave way to another trend in international relations theory—neorealism.

Since it is impossible within the scope of this article to introduce all of the thinkers who contributed to the development of twentieth-century classical realism, E. H. Carr and Hans Morgenthau, as perhaps the most influential among them, have been selected for discussion here.

In his main work on international relations, The Twenty Years’ Crisis , first published in July 1939, Edward Hallett Carr (1892–1982) attacks the idealist position, which he describes as “utopianism.” He characterizes this position as encompassing faith in reason, confidence in progress, a sense of moral rectitude, and a belief in an underlying harmony of interests. According to the idealists, war is an aberration in the course of normal life and the way to prevent it is to educate people for peace, and to build systems of collective security such as the League of Nations or today’s United Nations. Carr challenges idealism by questioning its claim to moral universalism and its idea of the harmony of interests. He declares that “morality can only be relative, not universal” (19), and states that the doctrine of the harmony of interests is invoked by privileged groups “to justify and maintain their dominant position” (75).

Carr uses the concept of the relativity of thought, which he traces to Marx and other modern theorists, to show that standards by which policies are judged are the products of circumstances and interests. His central idea is that the interests of a given party always determine what this party regards as moral principles, and hence, these principles are not universal. Carr observes that politicians, for example, often use the language of justice to cloak the particular interests of their own countries, or to create negative images of other people to justify acts of aggression. The existence of such instances of morally discrediting a potential enemy or morally justifying one’s own position shows, he argues, that moral ideas are derived from actual policies. Policies are not, as the idealists would have it, based on some universal norms, independent of interests of the parties involved.

If specific ethical standards are de facto founded on interests, Carr’s argument goes, there are also interests underlying what are regarded as absolute principles or universal moral values. While the idealists tend to regard such values, such as peace or justice, as universal and claim that upholding them is in the interest of all, Carr argues against this view. According to him, there are neither universal values nor universal interests. He claims that those who refer to universal interests are in fact acting in their own interests (71). They think that what is best for them is best for everyone, and identify their own interests with the universal interest of the world at large.

The idealist concept of the harmony of interests is based on the notion that human beings can rationally recognize that they have some interests in common, and that cooperation is therefore possible. Carr contrasts this idea with the reality of conflict of interests . According to him, the world is torn apart by the particular interests of different individuals and groups. In such a conflictual environment, order is based on power, not on morality. Further, morality itself is the product of power (61). Like Hobbes, Carr regards morality as constructed by the particular legal system that is enforced by a coercive power. International ethical norms are imposed on other countries by dominant nations or groups of nations that present themselves as the international community as a whole. They are invented to perpetuate those nations’ dominance.

Values that idealists view as good for all, such as peace, social justice, prosperity, and international order, are regarded by Carr as mere status quo notions. The powers that are satisfied with the status quo regard the arrangement in place as just and therefore preach peace. They try to rally everyone around their idea of what is good. “Just as the ruling class in a community prays for domestic peace, which guarantees its own security and predominance, … so international peace becomes a special vested interest of predominant powers” (76). On the other hand, the unsatisfied powers consider the same arrangement as unjust, and so prepare for war. Hence, the way to obtain peace, if it cannot be simply enforced, is to satisfy the unsatisfied powers. “Those who profit most by [international] order can in the longer run only hope to maintain it by making sufficient concessions to make it tolerable to those who profit by it least” (152). The logical conclusion to be drawn by the reader of Carr’s book is the policy of appeasement.

Carr was a sophisticated thinker. He recognized himself that the logic of “pure realism can offer nothing but a naked struggle for power which makes any kind of international society impossible” (87). Although he demolishes what he calls “the current utopia” of idealism, he at the same time attempts to build “a new utopia,” a realist world order ( ibid .). Thus, he acknowledges that human beings need certain fundamental principles or beliefs that are shared across different cultures, and contradicts his own earlier argument by which he tries to deny universality to any norms or values. To make further objections to his position, the fact, as he claims, that the language of universal values can be misused in politics for the benefit of one party or another, and that such values can only be imperfectly implemented in political institutions, does not mean that such values do not exist. There is a deep yearning in many human beings, both privileged and unprivileged, for peace, order, prosperity, and justice. The legitimacy of idealism consists in the constant attempt to reflect upon and uphold these values. Idealists fail if in their attempt they do not pay enough attention to the reality of power. On the other hand, in the world of “pure realism,” in which all values are made relative to interests, life turns into nothing more than a power game and is unbearable.

The Twenty Years’ Crisis touches on a number of universal ideas, but it also reflects the spirit of its time. While we can fault the interwar idealists for their inability to construct international institutions strong enough to prevent the outbreak of the Second World War, this book indicates that interwar realists were likewise unprepared to meet the challenge. Carr frequently refers to Germany under Nazi rule as if it were a country like any other. He says that should Germany cease to be an unsatisfied power and “become supreme in Europe,” it would adopt a language of international solidarity similar to that of other Western powers (79). The inability of Carr and other realists to recognize the perilous nature of Nazism, and their belief that Germany could be satisfied by territorial concessions, helped to foster a political environment in which the latter was to grow in power, annex Czechoslovakia at will, and be militarily opposed in September 1939 by Poland alone.

A theory of international relations is not just an intellectual enterprise; it has practical consequences. It influences our thinking and political practice. On the practical side, the realists of the 1930s, to whom Carr gave intellectual support, were people opposed to the system of collective security embodied in the League of Nations. Working within the foreign policy establishments of the day, they contributed to its weakness. Once they had weakened the League, they pursued a policy of appeasement and accommodation with Germany as an alternative to collective security (Ashworth 46). After the annexation of Czechoslovakia, when the failure of the anti-League realist conservatives gathered around Neville Chamberlain and of this policy became clear, they tried to rebuild the very security system they had earlier demolished. Those who supported collective security were labeled idealists.

Hans J. Morgenthau (1904–1980) developed realism into a comprehensive international relations theory. Influenced by the Protestant theologian and political writer Reinhold Niebuhr, as well as by Hobbes, he places selfishness and power-lust at the center of his picture of human existence. The insatiable human lust for power, timeless and universal, which he identifies with animus dominandi , the desire to dominate, is for him the main cause of conflict. As he asserts in his main work, Politics among Nations: The Struggle for Power and Peace , first published in 1948, “international politics, like all politics, is a struggle for power” (25).

Morgenthau systematizes realism in international relations on the basis of six principles that he includes in the second edition of Politics among Nations . As a traditionalist, he opposes the so-called scientists (the scholars who, especially in the 1950s, tried to reduce the discipline of international relations to a branch of behavioral science). Nevertheless, in the first principle he states that realism is based on objective laws that have their roots in unchanging human nature (4). He wants to develop realism into both a theory of international politics and a political art, a useful tool of foreign policy.

The keystone of Morgenthau’s realist theory is the concept of power or “of interest defined in terms of power,” which informs his second principle: the assumption that political leaders “think and act in terms of interest defined as power” (5). This concept defines the autonomy of politics, and allows for the analysis of foreign policy regardless of the different motives, preferences, and intellectual and moral qualities of individual politicians. Furthermore, it is the foundation of a rational picture of politics.

Although, as Morgenthau explains in the third principle, interest defined as power is a universally valid category, and indeed an essential element of politics, various things can be associated with interest or power at different times and in different circumstances. Its content and the manner of its use are determined by the political and cultural environment.

In the fourth principle, Morgenthau considers the relationship between realism and ethics. He says that while realists are aware of the moral significance of political action, they are also aware of the tension between morality and the requirements of successful political action. “Universal moral principles,” he asserts, “cannot be applied to the actions of states in their abstract universal formulation, but …they must be filtered through the concrete circumstances of time and place” (9). These principles must be accompanied by prudence for as he cautions “there can be no political morality without prudence; that is, without consideration of the political consequences of seemingly moral action” ( ibid .).

Prudence, the ability to judge the rightness of a given action from among possible alternatives on the basis of its likely political consequences, and not conviction of one’s own moral or ideological superiority, should guide political decisions. This is stressed in the fifth principle, where Morgenthau again emphasizes the idea that all state actors, including our own, must be looked at solely as political entities pursuing their respective interests defined in terms of power. By taking this point of view vis-à-vis its counterparts and thus avoiding ideological confrontation, a state would then be able to pursue policies that respected the interests of other states, while protecting and promoting its own.

Insofar as power, or interest defined as power, is the concept that defines politics, politics is an autonomous sphere, as Morgenthau says in his sixth principle of realism. It cannot be subordinated to ethics. However, ethics does still play a role in politics. “A man who was nothing but ‘political man’ would be a beast, for he would be completely lacking in moral restraints. A man who was nothing but ‘moral man’ would be a fool, for he would be completely lacking in prudence” (12). Political art requires that these two dimensions of human life, power and morality, be taken into consideration.

While Morgenthau’s six principles of realism contain repetitions and inconsistencies, we can nonetheless obtain from them the following picture: Power or interest is the central concept that makes politics into an autonomous discipline. Rational state actors pursue their national interests. Therefore, a rational theory of international politics can be constructed. Such a theory is not concerned with the morality, religious beliefs, motives or ideological preferences of individual political leaders. It also indicates that in order to avoid conflicts, states should avoid moral crusades or ideological confrontations, and look for compromise based solely on satisfaction of their mutual interests.

Although he defines politics as an autonomous sphere, Morgenthau does not separate ethics from politics. The act of protecting one’s country has for him a deep moral significance. Ultimately directed toward the objective of national survival, it involves prudence that is related to choosing the best course of action. The effective protection of citizens’ lives from harm in case of an international armed conflict is not merely a forceful physical action; it also has prudential and moral dimensions.

Morgenthau regards realism as a way of thinking about international relations and a useful tool for devising policies. However, some of the basic conceptions of his theory, and especially the idea of conflict as stemming from human nature, as well as the concept of power itself, have provoked criticism.

International politics, like all politics, is for Morgenthau a struggle for power because of the basic human lust for power. But regarding every individual as being engaged in a perpetual quest for power—the view that he shares with Hobbes—is a questionable premise. Human nature cannot be revealed by observation and experiment. It cannot be proved by any empirical research, but only disclosed by philosophy, imposed on us as a matter of belief, and inculcated by education.

Morgenthau himself reinforces the belief in the human drive for power by introducing a normative aspect of his theory, which is rationality. A rational foreign policy is considered “to be a good foreign policy” (7). But he defines rationality as a process of calculating the costs and benefits of all alternative policies in order to determine their relative utility, i.e. their ability to maximize power. Statesmen “think and act in terms of interest defined as power” (5). Only intellectual weakness of policy makers can result in foreign policies that deviate from a rational course aimed at minimizing risks and maximizing benefits. Hence, rather than presenting an actual portrait of human affairs, Morgenthau emphasizes the pursuit of power and the rationality of this pursuit, and sets it up as a norm.

As Raymond Aron and other scholars have noticed, power, the fundamental concept of Morgenthau’s realism, is ambiguous. It can be either a means or an end in politics. But if power is only a means for gaining something else, it does not define the nature of international politics in the way Morgenthau claims. It does not allow us to understand the actions of states independently from the motives and ideological preferences of their political leaders. It cannot serve as the basis for defining politics as an autonomous sphere. Morgenthau’s principles of realism are thus open to doubt. “Is this true,” Aron asks, “that states, whatever their regime, pursue the same kind of foreign policy” (597) and that the foreign policies of Napoleon or Stalin are essentially identical to those of Hitler, Louis XVI or Nicholas II, amounting to no more than the struggle for power? “If one answers yes, then the proposition is incontestable, but not very instructive” (598). Accordingly, it is useless to define actions of states by exclusive reference to power, security or national interest. International politics cannot be studied independently of the wider historical and cultural context.

Carr and Morgenthau concentrate primarily on international relations. However, their political realism can also be applied to domestic politics. To be a classical realist is in general to perceive politics as a conflict of interests and a struggle for power, and to seek peace by recognizing common interests and trying to satisfy them, rather than by moralizing. Bernard Williams and Raymond Geuss, influential representatives of the new political realism, a movement in contemporary political theory, criticize what they describe as “political moralism” and stress the autonomy of politics against ethics. However, political theory realism and international relations realism seem like two separate research programs. As noted by several scholars (William Scheuerman, Alison McQueen, Terry Nardin. Duncan Bell), those who contribute to realism in political theory give little attention to those who work on realism in international politics.

3. Neorealism

In spite of its ambiguities and weaknesses, Morgenthau’s Politics among Nations became a standard textbook and influenced thinking about international politics for a generation or so. At the same time, there was an attempt to develop a more methodologically rigorous approach to theorizing about international affairs. In the 1950s and 1960s a large influx of scientists from different fields entered the discipline of International Relations and attempted to replace the “wisdom literature” of classical realists with scientific concepts and reasoning (Brown 35). This in turn provoked a counterattack by Morgenthau and scholars associated with the so-called English School, especially Hedley Bull, who defended a traditional approach (Bull 1966).

As a result, the discipline of international relations has been divided into two main strands: traditional or non-positivist and scientific or positivist (neo-positivist). At a later stage the third strand: post-positivism has been added. The traditionalists raise normative questions and engage with history, philosophy and law. The scientists or positivists stress a descriptive and explanatory form of inquiry, rather than a normative one. They have established a strong presence in the field. Already by the mid-1960s, the majority of American students in international relations were trained in quantitative research, game theory, and other new research techniques of the social sciences. This, along with the changing international environment, had a significant effect on the discipline.

Notwithstanding their methodological differences, realists’ assumption is that the state is the key actor in international politics, and that competitive and conflictual relations among states are the core of actual international relations. However, with the receding of the Cold War during the 1970s, one could witness the growing importance of other actors: international and non-governmental organizations, as well as of multinational corporations. This development led to a revival of idealist thinking, which became known as neoliberalism or pluralism. While accepting some basic assumptions of realism, the leading pluralists, Robert Keohane and Joseph Nye, have proposed the concept of complex interdependence to describe this more sophisticated picture of global politics. They would argue that states could effectively cooperate with each other for mutual benefit and there can be progress in international relations, and that the future does not need to look like the past.

The realist retort came most prominently from Kenneth N. Waltz, who reformulated realism in international relations in a new and distinctive way. In his book Theory of International Politics , first published in 1979, he responded to the liberal challenge and attempted to cure the defects of the classical realism of Hans Morgenthau with his more scientific approach, which has become known as structural realism or neorealism. Whereas Morgenthau rooted his theory in the struggle for power, which he related to human nature, Waltz made an effort to avoid any philosophical discussion of human nature, and set out instead to build a theory of international politics using microeconomics as a model. In his works, he argues that states in the international system are like firms in a domestic economy and have the same fundamental interest: to survive. “Internationally, the environment of states’ actions, or the structure of their system, is set by the fact that some states prefer survival over other ends obtainable in the short run and act with relative efficiency to achieve that end” (93).

Waltz maintains that by paying attention to the individual state, and to ideological, moral and economic issues, both traditional liberals and classical realists make the same mistake. They fail to develop a serious account of the international system—one that can be abstracted from the wider socio-political domain. Waltz acknowledges that such an abstraction distorts reality and omits many of the factors that were important for classical realism. It does not allow for the analysis of the development of specific foreign policies. However, it also has utility. Notably, it assists in understanding the primary determinants of international politics. To be sure, Waltz’s neorealist theory cannot be applied to domestic politics. It cannot serve to develop policies of states concerning their international or domestic affairs. His theory helps only to explain why states behave in similar ways despite their different forms of government and diverse political ideologies, and why, despite their growing interdependence, the overall picture of international relations is unlikely to change.

According to Waltz, the uniform behavior of states over centuries can be explained by the constraints on their behavior that are imposed by the structure of the international system. A system’s structure is defined first by the principle by which it is organized, then by the differentiation of its units, and finally by the distribution of capabilities (power) across units. Anarchy, or the absence of central authority, is for Waltz the ordering principle of the international system. The units of the international system are states. Waltz recognizes the existence of non-state actors, but dismisses them as relatively unimportant. Since all states want to survive, and anarchy presupposes a self-help system in which each state has to take care of itself, there is no division of labor or functional differentiation among them. While functionally similar, they are nonetheless distinguished by their relative capabilities (the power each of them represents) to perform the same function.

Consequently, Waltz sees power and state behavior in a different way from the classical realists. For Morgenthau power was both a means and an end, and rational state behavior was understood as simply the course of action that would accumulate the most power. In contrast, neorealists assume that the fundamental interest of each state is security and would therefore concentrate on the distribution of power. What also sets neorealism apart from classical realism is methodological rigor and scientific self-conception (Guzinni 1998, 127–128). Waltz insists on empirical testability of knowledge and on falsificationism as a methodological ideal, which, as he himself admits, can have only a limited application in international relations.

The distribution of capabilities among states can vary; however, anarchy, the ordering principle of international relations, remains unchanged. This has a lasting effect on the behavior of states that become socialized into the logic of self-help. Trying to refute neoliberal ideas concerning the effects of interdependence, Waltz identifies two reasons why the anarchic international system limits cooperation: insecurity and unequal gains. In the context of anarchy, each state is uncertain about the intentions of others and is afraid that the possible gains resulting from cooperation may favor other states more than itself, and thus lead it to dependence on others. “States do not willingly place themselves in situations of increased dependence. In a self-help system, considerations of security subordinate economic gain to political interest.” (Waltz 1979, 107).

Because of its theoretical elegance and methodological rigor, neorealism has become very influential within the discipline of international relations. In the eyes of many scholars, Morgenthau’s realism has come to be seen as anachronistic—“an interesting and important episode in the history of thinking about the subject, no doubt, but one scarcely to be seen as a serious contribution of the rigorously scientific theory” (Williams 2007, 1). However, while initially gaining more acceptance than classical realism, neorealism has also provoked strong critiques on a number of fronts.

In 1979 Waltz wrote that in the nuclear age the international bipolar system, based on two superpowers—the United States and the Soviet Union—was not only stable but likely to persist (176–7). With the fall of the Berlin Wall and the subsequent disintegration of the USSR this prediction was proven wrong. The bipolar world turned out to have been more precarious than most realist analysts had supposed. Its end opened new possibilities and challenges related to globalization. This has led many critics to argue that neorealism, like classical realism, cannot adequately account for changes in world politics.

The new debate between international (neo)realists and (neo)liberals is no longer concerned with the questions of morality and human nature, but with the extent to which state behavior is influenced by the anarchic structure of the international system rather than by institutions, learning and other factors that are conductive to cooperation. In his 1989 book International Institutions and State Power , Robert Keohane accepts Waltz’s emphasis on system-level theory and his general assumption that states are self-interested actors that rationally pursue their goals. However, by employing game theory he shows that states can widen the perception of their self-interest through economic cooperation and involvement in international institutions. Patterns of interdependence can thus affect world politics. Keohane calls for systemic theories that would be able to deal better with factors affecting state interaction, and with change.

Critical theorists, such as Robert W. Cox, also focus on the alleged inability of neorealism to deal with change. In their view, neorealists take a particular, historically determined state-based structure of international relations and assume it to be universally valid. In contrast, critical theorists believe that by analyzing the interplay of ideas, material factors, and social forces, one can understand how this structure has come about, and how it may eventually change (Cox 1986). They contend that neorealism ignores both the historical process during which identities and interests are formed, and the diverse methodological possibilities. It legitimates the existing status quo of strategic relations among states and considers the scientific method as the only way of obtaining knowledge. It represents an exclusionary practice, an interest in domination and control.

While realists are concerned with relations among states and national security, the focus for critical theorists is human security and social emancipation. They focus on social, economic and environmental security for the individual and the group. Despite their differences, critical theory, postmodernism and feminism all take issue with the notion of state sovereignty and envision new political communities that would be less exclusionary vis-à-vis marginal and disenfranchised groups. Critical theory argues against state-based exclusion and denies that the interests of a country’s citizens take precedence over those of outsiders. It insists that politicians should give as much weight to the interests of foreigners as they give to those of their compatriots and envisions political structures beyond the “fortress” nation-state. Postmodernism questions the state’s claim to be a legitimate focus of human loyalties and its right to impose social and political boundaries. It supports cultural diversity and stresses the interests of minorities. Feminism argues that the realist theory exhibits a masculine bias and advocates the inclusion of woman and alternative values into public life.

Since critical theories and other alternative theoretical perspectives question the existing status quo, make knowledge dependent on power, and emphasize identity formation and social change, they are not traditional or non-positivist. They are sometimes called “reflectivist” or “post-positivist” (Weaver 165) and represent a radical departure from the neorealist and neoliberal “rationalist” or “positivist” international relation theories. For critical security theorists, security is not an objective phenomenon. It is essentially social, socially constructed and serves a political agenda. It legitimizes and imposes a political program on society that serves the dominant group. According to the critical securitization theory, the securitizing actor, who could be a politician or the governing party, “encodes a subject or a group as an existential threat to the reference object” (Ari 147). The object could be a state or a non-state group. Such a discursive practice defines threat and danger.

Constructivists, such as Alexander Wendt, try to build a bridge between these two approaches, positivist and post-positivist, by on the one hand, taking the present state system and anarchy seriously, and on the other hand, by focusing on the formation of identities and interests. Countering neorealist ideas, Wendt argues that self-help does not follow logically or casually from the principle of anarchy. It is socially constructed. Wendt’s idea that states’ identities and interests are socially constructed has earned his position the label “constructivism”. Consequently, in his view,“self-help and power politics are institutions, and not essential features of anarchy. Anarchy is what states make of it” (Wendt 1987 395). There is no single logic of anarchy but rather several, depending on the roles with which states identify themselves and each other. Power and interests are constituted by ideas and norms. Wendt claims that neorealism cannot account for change in world politics, but his norm-based constructivism can.

A similar conclusion, although derived in a traditional way, comes from the non-positivist theorists of the English school (International Society approach) who emphasize both systemic and normative constraints on the behavior of states. Referring to the classical view of the human being as an individual that is basically social and rational, capable of cooperating and learning from past experiences, these theorists emphasize that states, like individuals, have legitimate interests that others can recognize and respect, and that they can recognize the general advantages of observing a principle of reciprocity in their mutual relations (Jackson and Sørensen 167). Therefore, states can bind themselves to other states by treaties and develop some common values with other states. Hence, the structure of the international system is not unchangeable as the neorealists claim. It is not a permanent Hobbesian anarchy, permeated by the danger of war. An anarchic international system based on pure power relations among actors can evolve into a more cooperative and peaceful international society, in which state behavior is shaped by commonly shared values and norms. A practical expression of international society are international organizations that uphold the rule of law in international relations, especially the UN.

An unintended and unfortunate consequence of the debate about neorealism is that neorealism and a large part of its critique (with the notable exception of the English School) has been expressed in abstract scientific and philosophical terms. This has made the theory of international politics almost inaccessible to a layperson and has divided the discipline of international relations into incompatible parts. Whereas classical realism was a theory aimed at supporting diplomatic practice and providing a guide to be followed by those seeking to understand and deal with potential threats, today’s theories, concerned with various grand pictures and projects, are ill-suited to perform this task. This is perhaps the main reason why there has been a renewed interest in classical realism, and particularly in the ideas of Morgenthau. Rather than being seen as an obsolete form of pre-scientific realist thought, superseded by neorealist theory, his thinking is now considered to be more complex and of greater contemporary relevance than was earlier recognized (Williams 2007, 1–9). It fits uneasily in the orthodox picture of realism he is usually associated with.

In recent years, scholars have questioned prevailing narratives about clear theoretical traditions in the discipline of international relations. Thucydides, Machiavelli, Hobbes and other thinkers have become subject to re-examination as a means of challenging prevailing uses of their legacies in the discipline and exploring other lineages and orientations. Morgenthau has undergone a similar process of reinterpretation. A number of scholars (Hartmut Behr, Muriel Cozette, Amelia Heath, Sean Molloy) have endorsed the importance of his thought as a source of change for the standard interpretation of realism. Murielle Cozette stresses Morgenthau’s critical dimension of realism expressed in his commitment to “speak truth to power” and to “unmask power’s claims to truth and morality,” and in his tendency to assert different claims at different times (Cozette 10–12). She writes: “The protection of human life and freedom are given central importance by Morgenthau, and constitute a ‘transcendent standard of ethics’ which should always animate scientific enquiries” (19). This shows the flexibility of his classical realism and reveals his normative assumptions based on the promotion of universal moral values. While Morgenthau assumes that states are power-oriented actors, he at the same time acknowledges that international politics would be more pernicious than it actually is were it not for moral restraints and the work of international law(Behr and Heath 333).

Another avenue for the development of a realist theory of international relations is offered by Robert Gilpin’s seminal work War and Change in World Politics . If this work were to gain greater prominence in IR scholarship, instead of engaging in fruitless theoretical debates, we would be better prepared today “for rapid power shifts and geopolitical change ”(Wohlforth, 2011 505). We would be able to explain the causes of great wars and long periods of peace, and the creation and waning of international orders. Still another avenue is provided by the application of the new scientific discoveries to social sciences. The evidence for this is, for example, the recent work of Alexander Wendt, Quantum Mind and Social Science . A new realist approach to international politics could be based on the organic and holistic world view emerging from quantum theory, the idea of human evolution, and the growing awareness of the role of human beings in the evolutionary process (Korab-Karpowicz 2017).

Realism is thus more than a static, amoral theory, and cannot be accommodated solely within a positivist interpretation of international relations. It is a practical and evolving theory that depends on the actual historical and political conditions, and is ultimately judged by its ethical standards and by its relevance in making prudent political decisions (Morgenthau 1962). In place of the twentieth-century Cold War ideological rivalry, the main competition in the twenty-first-century is between the ideologies justifying the expansion of the US-dominated unipolar world and those supporting the reestablishment of a multipolar one (Müllerson 2017). Consequently, the growing tensions among superpowers have contributed to the revival of the idealist-realist debate and have caused a resurgence of interest in realism. John Mearsheimer is an important thinker in this respect, known for his pessimistic concept of offensive realism, which assumes that powerful states, such as the United States, would aim at the maximization of power and domination over others (Mearsheimer 2001). His late work, The Liberal Delusion (Mearsheimer 2019), in which he presents realist arguments against a liberal position, can already be considered a classic of the theory of international relations.

As the current revival of interest proves, realism is a theory for difficult times, when security becomes a real issue. This happens when countries face the danger of an armed conflict. In such situations, realism performs a useful cautionary role. It warns us against progressivism, moralism, legalism and other orientations that lose touch with the reality of self-interest and power. It is a necessary corrective to an overoptimistic liberal belief in international cooperation and change resulting from interdependence, as well as to a critical theory claim that our insecurity is merely a result of securitization.

Nevertheless, when it becomes a dogmatic enterprise, by focusing on conflict alone, realism fails to perform its proper function as a theory of international relations. By remaining stuck in a state-centric and excessively simplified “paradigm” such as neorealism and by denying the possibility of any progress in interstate relations, it turns into an ideology. Its emphasis on power politics and national interest can be misused to justify aggression. It has therefore to be supplanted by theories that take better account of the dramatically changing picture of global politics. To its merely negative, cautionary function, positive norms must be added. These norms extend from the rationality and prudence stressed by classical realists; through the vision of multilateralism, international law, and an international society emphasized by liberals and members of the English School; to the cosmopolitanism and global solidarity advocated by many of today’s writers.

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• Beitz, Charles, 1997. Political Theory and International Relations , Princeton: Princeton University Press.
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• –––, 2012. On History of Political Philosophy: Great Political Thinkers from Thucydides to Locke , New York: Routledge.
• –––, 2017. Tractatus Politico-Philosophicus: New Directions for the Development of Humankind , New York: Routledge.
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• Machiavelli, Niccolò, 1531. The Discourses , 2 vols., trans. Leslie J. Walker, London: Routledge, 1975.
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• Mansfield, Harvey C. Jr., 1979. Machiavelli’s New Modes and Orders: A Study of the Discourses on Livy , Ithaca: Cornell University Press.
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• Mearsheimer, John J., 1990. “Back to the Future: Instability in Europe After the Cold War,” International Security , 19: 5–49.
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How to cite this entry . Preview the PDF version of this entry at the Friends of the SEP Society . Look up topics and thinkers related to this entry at the Internet Philosophy Ontology Project (InPhO). Enhanced bibliography for this entry at PhilPapers , with links to its database.

• Political Realism , entry the Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy .
• Political Realism , entry in Wikipedia .
• Melian Dialogue , by Thucydides.
• The Prince , by Machiavelli.
• The Twenty Years’ Crisis (Chapter 4: The Harmony of Interests), by E.H. Carr.
• Principles of Realism , by H. Morgenthau.
• Peace and War , by Raymond Aron.
• Globalization and Governance , by Kenneth Waltz.

egoism | ethics: natural law tradition | game theory | Hobbes, Thomas: moral and political philosophy | justice: international distributive | liberalism | Machiavelli, Niccolò | sovereignty | war

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Writing International Relations

A graduate course offered by the Department of International Relations .

• Code INTR8065
• Unit Value 6 units
• Offered by Department of International Relations
• ANU College ANU College of Asia and the Pacific
• Classification Advanced Transitional
• Course subject International Relations
• Areas of interest International Relations, Political Sciences
• Academic career PGRD
• Dr Claire Cronin
• Dr Mathew Davies
• Mode of delivery In Person
• Offered in First Semester 2020 Second Semester 2020 See Future Offerings

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Learning Outcomes

Indicative assessment, requisite and incompatibility, other information, specialisations.

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All activities that form part of this course will be delivered remotely in Sem 2 2020.

The Writing International Relations course is an introduction to graduate writing skills focused on the discipline of International Relations. It seeks to develop such skills as how to read for argument, how to construct an argument, forms of reasoning and evidence, structuring an essay, how to conduct advanced research, and critical thinking. It does so through a careful analysis of selected International Relations texts and debates, and through the interactive development of graduated written assignments

Upon successful completion, students will have the knowledge and skills to:

• A basic understanding of the nature of the discipline of political science and international relations and where it fits in relation to other social sciences
• The acquisition of the necessary skills for advanced academic writing in international relations at graduate level
• An understanding of critical thinking, forms of reasoning and debate
• An appreciation of advanced research methods in international relations
• An understanding of a major current international relations debate

Delivery Mode:

The course is conducted through seminars with an emphasis on interactive teaching aimed at engaging all students in active participation.

2 x critical reading (1,000 words each)

1 x opinion piece - (1, 000 words)

Essay - 2,500 words

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Ten hours per week: two for seminar attendance, and eight for reading and writing. Please note, this is a general guide, averaged over the semester and the final hours ultimately depend on the individual's ability in reading and writing.

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Cracking the GRE: Analytical Writing

October 4, 2013 

The Analytical Writing section of the GRE is designed to assess critical thinking and analytical writing skills, including the ability to express complex ideas clearly and effectively while sustaining a coherent and focused discussion. The test does not evaluate specific content knowledge.

Question Types

This section of the GRE consists of two separately timed essays. For each essay, you will be given 30 minutes to address a specified general topic. You will be provided with a set of instructions on the approach to take. It’s important to carefully read and follow the instructions in order to satisfy the test requirements.

The two Analytical Writing essays are categorized as follows:

•  Analyze an Issue:  This section assesses your ability to think critically about a general interest topic and express your thoughts about it in writing. You will be given an issue statement that makes a claim that can be viewed from several different angles. In your essay, you are expected to explain and defend your position on the issue.

•  Analyze an Argument:  This section assesses your ability to understand, analyze, and evaluate arguments related to an event or course of action. The arguments will be presented in a brief passage that puts forth the author’s case. You must determine if this case is logically sound and explain your evaluation in writing.

Note that the first essay requires you to state your position and provide evidence to support it while the second essay requires you to analyze and evaluate someone else’s position. As you write your essays, remember that you will be assessed based on how you use critical thinking and analysis to fully address the specified topic and how well you can express yourself in writing.

Topic Examples

Educational Testing Service (ETS) provides examples of the type of topics that are included in the Analytical Writing section. For the Analyze an Issue essay, you may be asked to agree or disagree with the claim that the widespread use of technology is causing deterioration in people’s ability to think for themselves. Another example is agreeing or disagreeing with a recommendation that all elementary and secondary school students should study the same national curriculum.

An example passage provided by ETS for the Analyze and Argument section describes a city that has a polluted river running through it. The state has made a commitment to clean up the river. Therefore, the city should set aside money in this year’s budget for recreational facilities along the river. Is this a logically sound argument?

It’s critically important to budget your time during the test. Within the 30-minute time limit for each essay, you’ll need to read the instructions, analyze the issue or argument, decide on your response, and compose your essay. You also need to save time to proofread your essay after you’ve finished writing. GRE readers may overlook minor grammatical errors due to the time constraints of the test, but serious errors in grammar, usage, and mechanics will significantly lower your test score.

For the Analyze an Issue essay, you need to discuss how much you agree or disagree with the issue statement. Remember that there is no “right” or “wrong” response. You will be scored on the reasoning you use to support your point of view and the relevant examples you provide. Avoid using examples that are too broad or lists of examples with no supporting detail.

For the Analyze an Argument essay, begin by breaking down the line of reasoning in the argument text. Identify the separate steps in the thinking process and determine if progression from one step to the next is logically sound. For this essay, remember that you are not being asked whether you agree with the argument. Instead, focus on the author’s success in providing evidence that supports his or her position.

How to Prepare

The audience for both your essays will be college and university faculty who are trained as GRE readers. Your writing should demonstrate a level of critical thinking and clarity that positively reflects your academic background.

ETS recommends that everyone prepare for the Analytical Writing test, even confident and practiced writers. Review the score level descriptions and other materials provided in the  Analytical Writing  section of the GRE website. To help examinees prepare, ETS has provided the complete pools of issue and argument topics. You will be presented with one topic from each pool when you take the test.

ETS has provided an invaluable preparation tool in the form of scored sample essays in the  Analytical Writing Introduction . Going over the scored sample essays will provide insight into what GRE readers expect to see in a high scoring essay and what will cause them to give a low score. ETS also provides a sample test; completing this test under test conditions and having it evaluated by an instructor or peer will provide one more advantage when you sit down to take the actual test.

Quick Tips for GRE Analytical Writing Prep

Study sample essays  The GRE Analytical Writing test includes two types of essays: Analyze an Issue and Analyze an Argument. Visit the  Education Testing Service (ETS) website at www.ets.org to see descriptions and samples of each type of essay. Learn how GRE essays are scored:  According to ETS, even the most practiced writers need to become familiar with the skills being measured and the scoring criteria. Review scoring guides and sample scored essays on the ETS website. Complete sample essays:  ETS Powerprep II Software provides sample tests that include both Analyze an Issue and Analyze an Argument essays. Download a free copy at http://www.ets.org/gre/revised_general/prepare/powerprep2. Practice, practice, practice:  The more you write, the easier it will become. Avoid GRE writer’s block and complete several test essays within the 30-minute time limit. Ask instructors or knowledgeable friends to proofread and critique your essays and then work to correct the problems they find. Get expert help:  If writing is one of your weaker academic areas, investigate online GRE prep courses and tutoring services.

For more information on the GRE please see our post on  GRE preparation ,  GRE Verbal Reasoning  and  GRE Quantitative Reasoning .

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International Relations - Essay Examples And Topic Ideas For Free

International Relations (IR) is the study of interactions among countries, including the roles of states, international organizations, non-governmental organizations, and multinational corporations. Essays on IR could explore various theories (e.g., realism, liberalism, constructivism) and their applications to contemporary global issues. They might delve into case studies of particular international disputes, alliances, or treaties, and explore the implications of different ideological or policy approaches to international affairs. A substantial compilation of free essay instances related to International Relations you can find at PapersOwl Website. You can use our samples for inspiration to write your own essay, research paper, or just to explore a new topic for yourself.

the Significance of World War i (Wwi) in International Relations

The occurrence of World War I at the beginning of the 20th century was a central event that fundamentally changed the political structure of Europe. Analysis of World War I via international relations provides a variety of multitudes of theories to describe the conflict and the war itself. These theories include realism, liberalism, constructivism. It is a foundational case for the theories of international relations that address the causes of war in which they address the deterrence, balance of power, […]

Napoleon’s Impact on International Relations

Napoleon's Impact on French-British International RelationsIntroductionFrance had been at battle with its European neighbors for quite a long time preceding the occasions of 1789 and it was not und 1802 that the struggles contradicting it to other European States would reach a conclusion with the marking of the Treaty of Amiens with England. The tranquility of Amiens was brief be that as it may. In 1803, scarcely one half years after the settlement, France proclaimed conflict on England and set […]

The Cold War: Severe Tension between the United States and the Soviet Union

The feuding began after World War II, mostly regarding political and economic power. After the destruction that World War II caused, the United States and the Soviet Union were left standing. Gaining control of countries was sought after, even if the countries weren't benefiting them in any way. During this time, it was all about power. From the years of 1957 to 1975, the Cold War was in full effect and the United States and the Soviet Union were in […]

We will write an essay sample crafted to your needs.

Concept of International Relations in Star Wars

The movie, Star Wars, is about the struggle for control of the galaxy between the Rebels, representing the old Jedi Republic, and the Imperial Empire. The movie opens with a rebel space ship being stopped, boarded, and seized by Darth Vader and the Galactic Empire. Previously, the galaxy was a republic. After a war and now a little over a decade later, the Galactic Empire controls the galaxy and seeks to end the rebellion. In an early scene, you see […]

How did the Cold War Affect the World Today

This project is going to be about the Cold War affect at that time and today. The author-topic happened in the United States and the Soviet Union and during the mid of the 40's to late 80's. The author argument about a political and economic struggle between the two superpowers, we can describe it as militarism. This topic is essential to the United States Because the United States emerged as the sole superpower in the world and, capitalism beat communism. […]

Modern American Imperialism

By the end of the 18th century, the British Empire was one of the biggest colonial powers in the world. It had colonies in many countries across the world such as India and Australia. There were other colonial powers such as Spain, France, and the Netherlands. One of the latest countries which entered the imperialistic way was the U.S. It saw that other countries, especially Great Britain, were gaining resources, territories and most importantly dominance over the world. The U.S. […]

Relationship between United States and Soviet Union during Cold War

United States and Soviet Union's tensions were increasing and on edge leading up to, during, and after the Cold War. The conflict between the Soviet Union and the United States has two very different sides, creating different ways to place responsibility. The Soviet and US conflict began before the Cold War and continued on throughout. At the end of the WWII, Germany was defeated and split up among the victors. Because of this division, in 1948, conflict arose in the […]

Effects of the Cold War

The Cold War was a time of hostility that went on between the Soviet Union and the US from 1945 to 1990. This rivalry between the United States and the Soviet Union lasted decades and created a result in anti communist accusations and international problems that led up to the two superpowers to the brink of nuclear disaster. During World War II, the Soviet Union and United States fought together as allies against the axis powers. However, the two nations […]

The Significance of the Bay of Pigs Invasion and the Cuban Missile Crisis on the Cold War

On January 1, 1959 a Cuban nationalist by the name of Fidel Castro, drove his guerilla army into Havana, the capital of Cuba. Him and his guerrilla dethroned General Fulgencio Batista who was the Cuban president at the time. He ruled for two two years while the State Department and the CIA aimed to push Castro out of power. Eventually, in April 1961, the CIA organized a definitive strike made up of Cubans that had been forced to flee from […]

Ending the Cold War

The Cold War, America's risk of starting a third world war with the U.S.S.R but also one of America's most profitable and popular wars. The cold war begun after the WWII, when the soviets took control of half of Germany and wanted to expand their control over Asia and surrounding countries. Russia wanted to expand communism through out the pacific and the U.S wanted to liberate it and make it a more democratic place. Before this became an arms race, […]

The Vietnam War in U.S History

The Vietnam War has been known in U.S history as the longest and most controversial war. The United States became involved in Vietnam to avoid having the country fall to a communist form of government. There were numerous fateful battles that claimed countless lives of those on both sides of the war. This war also resulted in many conflicts for the United States on the home front of the war, when the American people no longer supported the war. North […]

Richard Nixon Foreign Policy and Cold War

The Cold War began to come to an end once President Richard Nixon stepped into office. He wanted to take a different approach to the international relations by using diplomacy instead of military action. In 1972, Leonid Brezhnev, the Soviet premier, and Nixon signed the Strategic Arms Limitation Treaty. This treaty made both sides agree to halt all nuclear weapons manufacturing. This would then lead to a big step to ending the threat of nuclear war. Even though Nixon had […]

The Vietnam War in History

The Vietnam war was a conflict between the north and south vietnam governments and the time span of this war began from 1954 all the way down to the year of 1975 fighting in the locations or North Vietnam, South Vietnam, Cambodia, and Laos. One important fact was the south of vietnam had an ally who were the United States, but also the north had help from China and the Soviet Union. With the two enemies having their own allies […]

Ideological Conflict in the Cold War

The cold war was a time of tension between the Soviet Union and the United States and their respective ideologies. It followed World War II and lasted from about 1945-1991. It was not declared in the same sense as most wars; rather, it progressed over time. Therefore, there are different opinions about the exact beginning of the war. The places of hostilities most often were competitions, such as: who gets to space first, sports events and espionage. This was proof […]

Sino Vietnamese Just War

The Sino-Vietnamese War, also known as the Third Indochina War, occurred in 1979 when troops from the People's Republic of China attacked the Socialist Republic of Vietnam. This war came after the First Indochina War and the Vietnam War (or the Second Indochina War). The First Indochina War lasted from 1946 to 1954 and involved a conflict between China and the Soviet Union backed Vietnam and France to control the area called Indochina. While the communist People's Republic of China […]

How the American Revolution had Influenced on France

The American Revolution had surfaced from the adversary between the British and the American colonists in the New World who were fighting desperately for their independence. The French and Indian War contributed greatly to this fight for independence, as the cost of the war was abundant and prompted the British to initiate harsh taxes on the American colonists, such as the Sugar Act. Along with the high costs, what additionally resulted from the French and Indian War was the French […]

World War i Vs World War II

World War I and World War II were very similar in many ways. Both began because of the clash of political ideologies. For example, there were imperialistic, nationalistic, and militaristic countries both involved in the wars. As they were similar, they also differ in a number of ways; none of the countries fighting in World War I had a dictator whereas World War II had multiple dictators from the same few countries. World War I and II also had differences […]

The Effects that World War i and World War II had on Minority Groups in America

At the beginning of the 1900s, many problems were arising overseas that would eventually lead to the First World War. The expansion of the war happened quickly. Overall, thirty-two nations were involved. Twenty-eight of which were a part of the Associated powers (the Allies). The Allies included the British Empire, France, Serbia, the United States of America, Italy, and Russia. The Central Powers that opposed them were Bulgaria, Austria-Hungary, Germany, and the Ottoman Empire. In the beginning, President Woodrow Wilson […]

The Vietnam War in the World History

Silence is all the soldiers could hear but they knew that they weren't alone. Soldiers from a foreign country attacked them from the shadows. Thousands of young American men were killed in the forests deep in Vietnam. The national interest of America that Americans developed after the Yalta Conference encouraged us to join the Korean War which led to the Vietnam War,the most regretted war in US History, guided America when it comes to foreign policies. At the end of […]

The Longest War Fought in America’s History

The Vietnam War was iniated in November 1st 1955 and was finished on April 30 1975 because communism was starting to grow in Vietnam and the U.S wanted to keep it contained. At the time President Nixon was really worried that if Vietnam was to become communist other nations would soon follow and switch to communism. Ultimately at the end of the war there were a million plus casualties on both sides. The war officially ended in 1975 with the […]

What is Vietnam War Known For?

Vietnam, a nation that had been under French colonial rule since the 19th century. During World War II, Japanese forces invaded Vietnam. To fight off both Japanese occupiers and the French colonial administration, political leader Ho Chi Minh. In 1945 the defeat in World War II, Japan withdrew its forces from Vietnam, leaving the French-educated Emperor Bao Dai in control. This was seen as an opportunity to gain control; Ho's Viet Minh forces immediately rose up to take over the […]

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Aptitude tests, higher learning, how to write a good essay in international relations (ir):.

. 1. Be clear about the essay question, go to your supervisor and rephrase the question in your own words more than once to make sure you do understand. 2. If the question has a historical part, political part and social part, remember that you need to address them all. 3. Structure matters; make sure you align expectations with your supervisor whether you are expected to have a case study through which you present analysis that aligns with what you bring in the conceptual section or just have an introduction and a whole discussion only and conclusion. 4. You need to start reading about the subject you wish to write one a month before the deadline. 5. Read to understand the topic, don’t read to write or choose quotes. 6. After one week of reading to understand start writing a skeleton of the main arguments you wish to bring in the essay and think of possible counter argument. 7. Choose the IR theory you think that explains best your main argument, explain that in the conceptual section. 8. Check how other IR theories that you didn’t choose to be as the one supporting your main argument engage with your argument. Include those also in your conceptual section. 9. Do make an overarching statement of the different sub-arguments you present, it shows you do understand the topic as a whole and are able to present a comprehensive analysis. 10. Do use connecting sentences between one paragraph to another; the reader shouldn’t be figuring out what the connection between one paragraph to the next one. 11. Don’t be descriptive of what scholars said about a specific topic, you need to rather present analysis. Analysis should include your own original thought and further problematizing a topic/question. 12. Have your conclusion state how you engaged with the counter arguments in your analysis/case study and why your main argument is still the strongest and most supported as you have presented both in the conceptual section and case study. 13. A few days before the deadline, take your eyes away from the essay for few hours at least and then re-read it with fresh eyes all as one unit without making any changes. 14. Make changes if needed and allow time for proofreading. 15. Good Luck.

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Introducing Liberalism in International Relations Theory

This is an excerpt from International Relations Theory –  an E-IR Foundations beginner’s textbook. Download your free copy here.

Liberalism is a defining feature of modern democracy, illustrated by the prevalence of the term ‘liberal democracy’ as a way to describe countries with free and fair elections, rule of law and protected civil liberties. However, liberalism – when discussed within the realm of IR theory – has evolved into a distinct entity of its own. Liberalism contains a variety of concepts and arguments about how institutions, behaviours and economic connections contain and mitigate the violent power of states. When compared to realism, it adds more factors into our field of view – especially a consideration of citizens and international organisations. Most notably, liberalism has been the traditional foil of realism in IR theory as it offers a more optimistic world view, grounded in a different reading of history to that found in realist scholarship.

The basics of liberalism

Liberalism is based on the moral argument that ensuring the right of an individual person to life, liberty and property is the highest goal of government. Consequently, liberals emphasise the wellbeing of the individual as the fundamental building block of a just political system. A political system characterised by unchecked power, such as a monarchy or a dictatorship, cannot protect the life and liberty of its citizens. Therefore, the main concern of liberalism is to construct institutions that protect individual freedom by limiting and checking political power. While these are issues of domestic politics, the realm of IR is also important to liberals because a state’s activities abroad can have a strong influence on liberty at home. Liberals are particularly troubled by militaristic foreign policies. The primary concern is that war requires states to build up military power. This power can be used for fighting foreign states, but it can also be used to oppress its own citizens. For this reason, political systems rooted in liberalism often limit military power by such means as ensuring civilian control over the military.

Wars of territorial expansion, or imperialism – when states seek to build empires by taking territory overseas – are especially disturbing for liberals.   Not only do expansionist wars strengthen the state at the expense of the people, these wars also require long-term commitments to the military occupation and political control of foreign territory and peoples. Occupation and control require large bureaucracies that have an interest in maintaining or expanding the occupation of foreign territory. For liberals, therefore, the core problem is how to develop a political system that can allow states to protect themselves from foreign threats without subverting the individual liberty of its citizenry. The primary institutional check on power in liberal states is free and fair elections via which the people can remove their rulers from power, providing a fundamental check on the behaviour of the government. A second important limitation on political power is the division of political power among different branches and levels of government – such as a parliament/congress, an executive and a legal system. This allows for checks and balances in the use of power.

Democratic peace theory is perhaps the strongest contribution liberalism makes to IR theory. It asserts that democratic states are highly unlikely to go to war with one another. There is a two-part explanation for this phenomenon. First, democratic states are characterised by internal restraints on power, as described above. Second, democracies tend to see each other as legitimate and unthreatening and therefore have a higher capacity for cooperation with each other than they do with non-democracies. Statistical analysis and historical case studies provide strong support for democratic peace theory, but several issues continue to be debated. First, democracy is a relatively recent development in human history. This means there are few cases of democracies having the opportunity to fight one another. Second, we cannot be sure whether it is truly a ‘democratic’ peace or whether some other factors correlated with democracy are the source of peace – such as power, alliances, culture, economics and so on. A third point is that while democracies are unlikely to go to war with one another, some scholarship suggests that they are likely to be aggressive toward non-democracies – such as when the United States went to war with Iraq in 2003. Despite the debate, the possibility of a democratic peace gradually replacing a world of constant war – as described by realists – is an enduring and important facet of liberalism.

We currently live in an international system structured by the liberal world order built after the Second World War (1939–1945). The international institutions, organisations and norms (expected behaviours) of this world order are built on the same foundations as domestic liberal institutions and norms; the desire to restrain the violent power of states. Yet, power is more diluted and dispersed internationally than it is within states. For example, under international law, wars of aggression are prohibited. There is no international police force to enforce this law, but an aggressor knows that when breaking this law it risks considerable international backlash. For example, states – either individually or as part of a collective body like the United Nations – can impose economic sanctions or intervene militarily against the offending state. Furthermore, an aggressive state also risks missing out on the benefits of peace, such as the gains from international trade, foreign aid and diplomatic recognition.

The fullest account of the liberal world order is found in the work of Daniel Deudney and G. John Ikenberry (1999), who describe three interlocking factors:

First, international law and agreements are accompanied by international organisations to create an international system that goes significantly beyond one of just states. The archetypal example of such an organisation is the United Nations, which pools resources for common goals (such as ameliorating climate change), provides for near constant diplomacy between enemies and friends alike and gives all member states a voice in the international community.

Second, the spread of free trade and capitalism through the efforts of powerful liberal states and international organisations like the World Trade Organization, the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank creates an open, market-based, international economic system. This situation is mutually beneficial as a high level of trade between states decreases conflict and makes war less likely, since war would disrupt or cancel the benefits (profits) of trade. States with extensive trade ties are therefore strongly incentivised to maintain peaceful relations. By this calculation, war is not profitable, but detrimental to the state.

The third element of the liberal international order is international norms. Liberal norms favour international cooperation, human rights, democracy and rule of law. When a state takes actions contrary to these norms, they are subject to various types of costs. However, international norms are often contested because of the wide variation in values around the globe. Nevertheless, there are costs for violating liberal norms. The costs can be direct and immediate. For example, the European Union placed an arms sale embargo on China following its violent suppression of pro-democracy protesters in 1989. The embargo continues to this day. The costs can also be less direct, but equally as significant. For example, favourable views of the United States decreased significantly around the world following the 2003 invasion of Iraq because the invasion was undertaken unilaterally (outside established United Nations rules) in a move that was widely deemed illegitimate.

Most liberal scholarship today focuses on how international organisations foster cooperation by helping states overcome the incentive to escape from international agreements. This type of scholarship is commonly referred to as ‘neoliberal institutionalism’ – often shortened to just ‘neoliberalism’. This often causes confusion as neoliberalism is also a term used outside IR theory to describe a widespread economic ideology of deregulation, privatisation, low taxes, austerity (public spending cuts) and free trade. The essence of neoliberalism, when applied within IR, is that states can benefit significantly from cooperation if they trust one another to live up to their agreements. In situations where a state can gain from cheating and escape punishment, defection is likely. However, when a third party (such as an impartial international organisation) is able to monitor the behaviour of signatories to an agreement and provide information to both sides, the incentive to defect decreases and both sides can commit to cooperate. In these cases, all signatories to the agreement can benefit from absolute gains. Absolute gains refer to a general increase in welfare for all parties concerned – everyone benefits to some degree, though not necessarily equally. Liberal theorists argue that states care more about absolute gains than relative gains. Relative gains, which relate closely to realist accounts, describe a situation where a state measures its increase in welfare relative to other states and may shy away from any agreements that make a competitor stronger. By focusing on the more optimistic viewpoint of absolute gains and providing evidence of its existence via international organisations, liberals see a world where states will likely cooperate in any agreement where any increase in prosperity is probable.

Liberal theory and American imperialism

One of the more interesting illustrations of liberalism comes from the foreign policy of the United States during the early twentieth century. During this period, the United States was liberal, but according to the dominant historical narrative, also imperialistic (see Meiser 2015). So, there appears to be a contradiction. If we take a closer look we see that the United States was more restrained than commonly believed, particularly relative to other great powers of that era. One simple measure is the level of colonial territory it accrued compared to other great powers. By 1913, the United States claimed 310,000 square kilometres of colonial territory, compared to 2,360,000 for Belgium, 2,940,000 for Germany and 32,860,000 for the United Kingdom (Bairoch 1993, 83). In fact, the bulk of American colonial holdings was due to the annexation of the Philippines and Puerto Rico, which it inherited after defeating Spain in the Spanish-American War of 1898. The United States exhibited such restraint because, as suggested by liberal theory, its political structure limited expansionism. Examining US–Mexico relations during the early twentieth century helps illustrate the causes of this American restraint.

In the spring of 1914, the United States invaded the Mexican city of Veracruz because of a dispute over the detention of several American sailors in Mexico. However, US–Mexican relations were already troubled because of President Woodrow Wilson’s liberal belief that it was the duty of the United States to bring democracy to Mexico, which was a dictatorship. The initial objectives of the American war plan were to occupy Veracruz and neighbouring Tampico and then blockade the east coast of Mexico until American honour was vindicated – or a regime change occurred in Mexico. After American forces landed in Veracruz, senior military leaders and Wilson’s top diplomatic advisor in Mexico advocated an escalation of the political objectives to include occupation of Mexico City – there were also vocal proponents who advocated the full occupation of Mexico. Wilson did not actually follow any of the advice he received. Instead, he reduced his war aims, halted his forces at Veracruz and withdrew US forces within a few months. Wilson exercised restraint because of American public opposition, his own personal values, unified Mexican hostility and the military losses incurred in the fighting. International opinion also appears to have influenced Wilson’s thinking as anti-Americanism began to sweep through Latin America. As Arthur Link points out, ‘Altogether, it was an unhappy time for a President and a people who claimed the moral leadership of the world’ (Link 1956, 405).

By 1919, a pro-interventionist coalition developed in the United States built on frustration with President Wilson’s prior restraint and new fears over the Mexican Constitution of 1917, which gave the Mexican people ownership of all subsoil resources. This potentially endangered foreign ownership of mines and oilfields in Mexico. Interventionists wanted to turn Mexico into an American protectorate – or at least seize the Mexican oil fields. This coalition moved the country toward intervention while Wilson was distracted by peace negotiations in Europe and then bedridden by a stroke. The path to intervention was blocked only after Wilson recovered sufficiently to regain command of the policy agenda and sever the ties between the interventionists. Wilson had two main reasons for avoiding the more belligerent policy path. First, he saw the Houses of Congress (with the support of some members of the executive branch) attempting to determine the foreign policy of the United States, which Wilson viewed as uncon- stitutional. In the American system, the president has the authority to conduct foreign policy. His assertion of authority over foreign policy with Mexico was therefore a clear attempt to check the power of Congress in policymaking. Second, Wilson was determined to maintain a policy consistent with the norm of anti-imperialism, but also the norm of self-determination – the process by which a country determines its own statehood and chooses its own form of government. Both of these norms remain bedrocks of liberal theory today.

US relations with Mexico in this case show how institutional and normative domestic structures restrained the use of violent power. These institutional restraints can break down if the political culture of a society does not include a strong dose of liberal norms. For example, anti-statism (a belief that the power of the government should be limited) and anti-imperialism (a belief that conquest of foreign peoples is wrong) are liberal norms. A society infused by liberal norms has an added level of restraint above and beyond the purely institutional limitations on state power. A liberal citizenry will naturally oppose government actions that threaten individual liberty and choose represen-  tatives that will act on liberal preferences. The institutional separation of powers in the United States allowed Wilson to block the interventionist efforts of Congress and others. The liberal norm of anti-imperialism restrained American expansion through the mechanisms of public opinion and the personal values of the president of the United States. Institutions and norms worked symbiotically. International opinion put additional pressure on American political leaders due to increasing trade opportunities with Latin American countries throughout the early 1900s. Precisely as liberal theory details, the absolute gains and opportunities offered by trade, together with preferences for self-determination and non-interference, acted as a restraint on US expansionism toward Mexico in this most imperial of periods in world history.

A core argument of liberalism is that concentrations of unaccountable violent power are the fundamental threat to individual liberty and must be restrained. The primary means of restraining power are institutions and norms at both domestic and international level. At the international level institutions and organisations limit the power of states by fostering cooperation and providing a means for imposing costs on states that violate international agreements. Economic institutions are particularly effective at fostering cooperation because of the substantial benefits that can be derived from economic interdependence. Finally, liberal norms add a further limitation on the use of power by shaping our understanding of what types of behaviour are appropriate. Today, it is clear that liberalism is not a ‘utopian’ theory describing a dream world of peace and happiness as it was once accused of being. It provides a consistent rejoinder to realism, firmly rooted in evidence and a deep theoretical tradition.

Find out more about this, and many other, International Relations theories with a range of multimedia resources compiled by E-IR .

Full references for citations can be found in the PDF version, linked at the top of this page.

Further Reading on E-International Relations

• Hegemony and Diversity in the ‘Liberal International Order’: Theory and Reality
• Out of Illusion, Weakness: Liberalism and Its Blind Spots
• Fear as Driver of International Relations
• Jan Smuts, Jawaharlal Nehru and the Legacies of Liberalism
• Norms, Norm Violations, and IR Theory
• America’s Democratic Shortcomings and the Liberal International Order

Jeffrey W. Meiser is an Assistant Professor in Political Science at the University of Portland, USA.

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Annotating Argument Components and Relations in Persuasive Essays

Christian Stab , Iryna Gurevych

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[Annotating Argument Components and Relations in Persuasive Essays](https://aclanthology.org/C14-1142) (Stab & Gurevych, COLING 2014)

• Annotating Argument Components and Relations in Persuasive Essays (Stab & Gurevych, COLING 2014)
• Christian Stab and Iryna Gurevych. 2014. Annotating Argument Components and Relations in Persuasive Essays . In Proceedings of COLING 2014, the 25th International Conference on Computational Linguistics: Technical Papers , pages 1501–1510, Dublin, Ireland. Dublin City University and Association for Computational Linguistics.