importance of oppression essay

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Advocacy in Action

Through the stories we share, the Admissions Team at Baylor University hopes to inspire and educate future leaders in social work.

5 Things To Know About Anti-Oppressive Practice in Social Work

As social workers, our ultimate goal is to promote social justice and enhance the well-being of all individuals and communities. But, we need to work to acknowledge, address and ultimately dismantle the systemic oppression in our society to ensure our goal is achieved.

What is Anti-Oppressive Social Work Practice?

Anti-Oppressive Practice (AOP) in social work is a critical framework that guides us in challenging and dismantling oppressive structures and practices. It requires social workers to critically reflect on their values, beliefs, and biases and actively work to eliminate oppressive systems and practices. 

5 things future social workers should know about anti-oppressive social work

1. oppression is pervasive.

Oppression exists in all aspects of society — even within the social work practice. Social workers must recognize and understand how oppression operates and affects their clients, colleagues, and communities.

2. Intersectionality matters

People hold multiple intersecting identities that shape their experiences of oppression and privilege. Social workers need to consider how different forms of oppression, such as racism , sexism, ableism, and heterosexism, intersect and compound to create unique experiences of marginalization.

3. Self-reflection is critical 

Social workers must continuously self-reflect to identify and challenge their biases, assumptions, and privileges. They must be willing to examine how their identities and experiences shape their worldview and how they interact with clients.

4. Empowerment is key

Anti-oppressive social work aims to empower clients by recognizing and building on their strengths, skills, and knowledge. Social workers must collaborate with clients to identify their goals and support them in advocating for themselves and their communities.

5. Activism is necessary

Anti-oppressive social work involves challenging and changing oppressive structures and practices inside and outside the social work profession. Social workers must engage in activism and advocacy to create social change and promote equity and justice for marginalized communities.

By reflecting on their own biases and assumptions, empowering their clients, and engaging in activism and advocacy, social workers can create meaningful change in their communities. The Garland School of Social Work is dedicated to training future social workers that support diversity, equity, and inclusion, and offers valuable resources to students who seek to engage in anti-oppressive practice. 

Want to know more about equity and social justice in social work? Explore our guide, How Social Workers Support Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion . 

We are the admissions team at the Diana R. Garland School of Social Work, at Baylor University. We believe social work is about service and justice; it is about the dignity of individuals and the power of relationships; it is about integrity and competence, and our mission here is preparing social workers to do these things well. We hope you find our resources helpful and informative as you explore and pursue a degree in social work!

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By Morton Deutsch

March 2005 with "Current Implications" by Heidi Burgess added in July 2020.  

Current Implications

As was true with all the articles in this series, this final one is highly applicable to the events of summer 2020. This essay discusses how low-power groups (such as Blacks and other minority groups in the U.S. in 2020) can increase their power enough that the powerful group will be forced to negotiate a change in power relations.  Every idea in this essay is still relevant, but I do have a few observations and updates.

First, the update.  Deutsch wrote in 2004, "There has been no systematic research of which I am aware that attempts to determine the conditions under which nonviolent methods are likely to succeed or fail."  This has since been undertaken by Erica Chenoweth who has done extensive research on the success and, at times, failure of nonviolent direct action. [9]   More...

Power Strategies

Apart from resigning into depression, what can a low power group do when the dominant group is unwilling to negotiate a change in the status quo? Basically, there is only the possibility of increasing its relative power sufficiently to compel the other to negotiate . Relative power is increased by either of two means: enhancing one's own power or decreasing the other's power.

Enhancing Ones Own Power

As I have indicated in earlier essays, empowerment involves

1. increasing one's possession of the resources on which power is based and

2. increasing the effectiveness with which the power is used.

There are three areas in which those with low power can find additional resources:

1. within one's self or group;

2. within potential allies; and

3. within the oppressor.

Nelson Mandela in his autobiographical book, Long Walk to Freedom , provides many illustrations of how he did this, even when he was a prisoner of the repressive, apartheid South African government.[1]

Developing Power Within One's Self or One's Group

By exerting considerable self-discipline while he was a prisoner, Mandela kept himself in excellent physical and mental condition. He stated that when he was a prisoner on Robben Island, the notorious prison island, "On Monday through Thursday, I would do stationary running in my cell in the morning for up to forty-five minutes. I would also perform one hundred fingertip push-ups, two hundred sit-ups, fifty deep knee-bends and various other calisthenics."[2] He kept himself in good shape mentally by reading widely, by becoming an informed expert on the laws and regulations concerning the treatment of prisoners, and by studying for an L.L.B. degree at the University of London.

And he kept his self undistorted by preserving his dignity and refusing to submit, psychologically, to the definition of self that the oppressors tried to force upon him. For example, he described the following incident after landing on Robben Island:

We were met by a group of burly white wardens shouting: "Dis die Eiland! Hier gaan jiell vrek! (This is the island! Here you will die!)... As we walked toward the prison, the guards shouted "Two - two! Two -- two! -- meaning we should walk in pairs... I linked up with Tefu. The guards started screaming, "Haas!... Haas!" The word haas means "move" in Afrikaans, but it is commonly reserved for cattle. "The wardens were demanding that we jog, and I turned to Tefu and under my breath said that we must set an example; if we give in now we would be at their mercy... I mentioned to Tefu that we should walk in front, and we took the lead. Once in front, we actually decreased the pace, walking slowly and deliberately. The guards were incredulous (and said)... we will tolerate no insubordination here. Haas! Haas! But we continued at our stately pace. (The head guard) ordered us to halt and stood in front of us: "Look, man, we will kill you, we are not fooling around... This the last warning. Haas! Haas! To this I said: "You have your duty and we have ours." I was determined that we would not give in, and we did not, for we were already at the cells. [3]

By his persistent public refusal to be humiliated or to feel humiliated, Mandela rejected the distorted, self-debilitating relationship that the oppressor sought to impose upon him. Doing so, enhanced his leadership among his fellow political prisoners and the respect he was accorded by the less sadistic guards and wardens of the prison.

Allies are Very Important

The acquisition of allies is central to enhancing the power of oppressed groups. Leaders of the African National Congress (ANC) of South Africa devoted considerable effort to developing allies among the leaders of other African nations, as well as among many other influential groups in the UN, the Commonwealth, and the various industrial nations with economic ties to South Africa. There is little doubt that the allies they developed played a crucial role in bringing about the ending of the apartheid system and the formation of a new government with Nelson Mandela as President and the ANC as the dominant political party. Their allies did this by bringing sufficient economic, political, and moral pressure upon the apartheid government to convince the economic leaders of the country that a change was necessary if they were to avoid an economic disaster.

Unfortunately, sometimes oppressed groups do not sufficiently realize the important potential for allies among other oppressed groups. They may narrowly define their interests as overcoming the injustices which they are experiencing and not be concerned with those being suffered by other oppressed groups. In the United States, for example, there is not an effective working coalition among such oppressed groups as blacks, gays, women, Hispanics, the disabled, the poor, and the elderly because these separate groups do not define their interests inclusively. While every group has to be for itself, when it is also for others, it becomes stronger from the support it receives.

The Oppressor's Power can Often be Used Against the Oppressor by the Oppressed

As Alinsky indicates:

"... Since the Haves publicly pose as the custodians of responsibility, morality, law and justice (which are frequently strangers to each other), they can be constantly pushing to live up to their own book of morality and regulations. No organization, including religion, can live up to the letter of its own book."[4]

Alinsky cites many examples of tactics in which bureaucratic systems were snarled in their own red tape by pressure to live up to their own formally stated rules and procedures.[5]Tactics of this sort may center upon demanding or using a service that one is entitled to, a service that is not ordinarily used so massively and for which the institution is not prepared to provide in large volume without excessive cost to itself. For example, banks may be disrupted by a massive opening and closing of accounts, department stores by massive returns of purchases, airports by a massive use of their toilets and urinals by visitors, and so forth. Or, the tactics may center upon disobedience to a rule or law that cannot be enforced in the face of massive noncompliance. Thus landlords cannot afford to throw out all tenants who refuse to pay rent in a cohesive rent strike or schools to dismiss all students who disobey an obnoxious school regulation -- if the students are united in their opposition.

Related to the tactic of clubbing the haves with their own book of rules and regulation is the tactic of goading them into errors such as violating their own rules or regulations. If they can be provoked into an obvious disruption of their own stated principles, then segments of the high power group may become disaffected with the resultant weakening of the haves. In addition, previously neutral third parties may, in response to the violations by those in power, swing their sympathies and support to the have-nots.

In general, it is a mistake to think that a high power group is completely unified. Most groups have internal divisions and conflict among their most active members; further, only a small proportion of their members are likely to be active supporters of current policy. The conflicts among those who are active in the high-power groups and the distinction between active and passive members provide important points of leverage for the have-nots. The passive compliance of the inactive majority of the haves may disappear as their leaders are provoked into intemperate errors and as they are subject to ridicule and embarrassment by their inability to cope effectively with the persisting harassments and nuisances caused by the have-nots.

The power of the haves, as is true of any group, depends upon such tangibles as control over the instruments of force, an effective communication system, an effective transportation system, and upon such intangibles as prestige and an aura of invincibility. While a low-power group may not be able to interfere seriously with the tangible bases of power of the haves without engaging in illegal, destructive actions of sabotage, it has many legal means of tarnishing and weakening their intangible sources of power. Ridicule and techniques of embarrassment are most effective weapons for this purpose. Here, as elsewhere, inventiveness and imagination play important roles in devising effective tactics.

Tactics of embarrassment and ridicule include the picketing of such people as slum landlords, key stockholders, and management personnel of recalcitrant firms and other such wielders of power in situations that are embarrassing to them -- e.g. at their homes, at their churches, synagogues, or mosques, or at their social clubs. The advantage of such tactics as ridicule and embarrassment is that they are often enjoyable for those in low power and very difficult for those in high power to cope with without further loss of face .

Reducing the Power of the Oppressor

There are three strategies that are used to weaken oppressors: divide and conquer, violence , and non-violence . In prior essays, I have alluded to the "divide and conquer" strategy and my emphasis there was on the recognition that there are often potential allies for the oppressed to be found among the oppressors. Even apart from recruiting allies among the oppressors, there is always the possibility of exploiting or creating divisions within this group. Various techniques can be employed in an attempt to create or increase the antagonism among different factions within the oppressors -- e.g. planting rumors; creating incidents; making "offers" that favor one faction over another; and distorting their communication processes to one another in such a way that mistrust and hostility are fostered among the different factions.

As a strategy, violence has some positive features but, in my view, it has considerably greater negatives. Its positives are that it gets the attention of those in high power who have previously paid little attention to the oppressed and their needs. Additionally, it may be cathartic and psychologically empowering for those in low-power groups who feel enraged and humiliated by their oppression. Also, if well focused and executed, it may weaken the oppressed group.

Nelson Mandela, at one point became convinced that nonviolent strategies were not being effective against the apartheid South African government, so he advocated that the African National Congress create a separate, secret group (MK) which would engage in violence. In planning the direction and form this group would take, Mandela indicated that:

"We considered four types of violent activities: sabotage, guerilla warfare, terrorism, and open revolution. For a small and fledgling army, open revolution was inconceivable. Terrorism inevitably reflected poorly on those who used it, undermining any public support it might otherwise garner. Guerilla warfare was a possibility, but since the ANC had been reluctant to embrace violence at all, it made sense to start with the form of violence that inflicted the least harm against individuals: sabotage. Because it did not involve loss of life, it offered the best hope for reconciliation among the races afterward. We did not want to start a blood feud between white and black. Animosity between Afrikaner and Englishman was still sharp fifty years after the Anglo-Boer War; what race relations would be like between white and black if we provoked a civil war? Sabotage had the added virtue of requiring the least manpower.

Our strategy was to make selective forays against military installations, power plants, telephone lines, and transportation links, targets that would not only hamper the military effectiveness of the state, but frighten National Party supporters, scare away foreign capital, and weaken the economy. This we hope would bring the government to the bargaining table. Strict instructions were given to members of MK that we would countenance no loss of life."[6]

Mandela was undoubtedly wise in advocating that the violence not be directed at people, but rather be directed at targets that would impair the government's political, economic, and military capabilities. Violence against people is apt to weaken the support of existing and potential allies, unify the oppressors, and lead to a vicious spiral of increasing irrational violence. The violence is irrational in that it is impelled by a thirst for vengeance rather than by an attempt to achieve strategic objectives. Violence of any sort against a powerful oppressor usually leads to an intensification of oppression rather than an increased readiness to engage in constructive negotiation.

The rare exceptions are when the violence by the oppressed is perceived, by both the oppressed and the oppressor, to be part of a rational appeal to the self-interest of the oppressor (i.e. an inevitable cost of refusing to engage in constructive negotiations for a change in the status quo which could be mutually beneficial). And when the oppressor's response to violence is disproportionate, it may have the effect of delegitimizing the oppressor in the eyes of observers as well as in those of the oppressed. If the observers become active allies of the oppressed, as a consequence of the oppressor's disproportionate reactive violence, then the balance of power may shift away from the oppressor to the oppressed.

I conclude that the use of violence by the oppressed against a much stronger oppressor is most likely to worsen its circumstances and, even in the unlikely possibility of a victory over the oppressor, it is apt to produce leadership among the former oppressed that is undemocratic and predisposed to employing violence in its leadership style.

Nonviolence

As a strategy, nonviolence is based on the premise that if we get what we want through violence, we will have created... "a certain amount of harm, pain, injury, death, or destruction... We may in addition have created a climate of fear, distrust, or hatred on the part of those against whom we have used the violence. We may also have contributed to the transformation of ourselves into insensitive or even cruel persons... Revolutions, even when they overcome violent resistance... often end up building the same sorts of abuses their promoters hoped to eliminate, just as wars set the stage for new wars."[7]

In other words, the nonviolence strategy basically seeks to avoid the harmful effects of physical or psychological violence. Most approaches to nonviolence also assume that, in conflict, one should respect one's adversary and that, even one's enemy is entitled to care and justice, to compassion and goodwill.

Gene Sharp, the most influential student of nonviolence, has identified at least 197 methods of nonviolent actions, which he groups into three categories:

(1) Nonviolent protests include marches, picketing, vigils, putting up posters, public meetings and issuing and distributing protest literature. These methods are meant to produce an awareness of dissent and opposition to unjust policies and practices. Their impact can be large if they awaken the sense of injustice in influential potential allies who were not aware of the injustices being experienced.

(2) Nonviolent noncooperation includes refusal to comply with unfair rules, regulations, or orders, socio-economic boycotts, boycotts of elections, general strikes, strikes, go-slow actions, rigid enforcement of rules, political jujitsu, civil disobedience, mutiny. These methods are meant to disrupt the normal efficiency and functioning of the system controlled by the oppressor to indicate that the oppressed will no longer cooperate in their oppression.

(3) Nonviolent interventions include sit-ins; nonviolent obstructions of communication facilities, traffic, banks, public toilet facilities, etc; nonviolent invasions and occupancy; and creation of a parallel government. These methods are most coercive and disruptive of the functioning of the system and are most apt to produce a violent counter-response from those in power.[8]

The use of nonviolent methods requires considerable self-discipline and courage. Systematic training of neophytes in the use of such methods by experienced practitioners makes their implementation more skillful and less dangerous. Training often involves role-playing and rehearsal of the appropriate actions to take in some of the typically difficult and dangerous situations that the non-violent participants may face as they engage in marches, refusals to comply with regulations, strikes, sit-ins, obstruction of traffic, or other nonviolent methods.

There have been no systematic research of which I am aware that attempts to determine the conditions under which nonviolent methods are likely to succeed or fail. There have been many instances of success as well of failure and it is an area ripe for study. (See Powers, Vogele, Krugeler, and McCarthy, 1997, for many case studies of nonviolent action.) Based upon my very limited knowledge of these instances, I would hypothesize that nonviolent actions are most effective:

•  when they are contesting clear and gross injustices;
•  when they are well-publicized;
•  when they are successful in recruiting others who are oppressed
•  as well as allies among those who are not; and
•  when they occur in a state that is reluctant to employ overwhelming force to repress the nonviolent actions.

In a state that controls the media and is repressive, success is unlikely unless the nonviolent actors are able to recruit the employees of the media and members of the police and armed forces to their side. In other words, nonviolent actors are likely to be most successful in democratic societies where repressive force against them is likely to be relatively moderate and is apt to receive widespread, unfavorable publicity and to recruit allies to their cause. Thus, in the United States, the nonviolent civil rights movement was successful, partly due to the widespread revulsion against the well-publicized violence used against African Americans by public officials in the South. However, even in autocratically controlled states -- such as apartheid South Africa, the Marcos government in the Philippines, the Shah's government in Iran, the Milosovic government in Serbia, nonviolence was successful in overthrowing the governments because they were able to enlist the media and members of the armed forces to be against the repression of those seeking change of their oppressive, corrupt government.

Throughout much of the preceding discussion, I have emphasized the importance, for low power groups, to use strategies and tactics which would develop allies among the high power groups, among other low power groups, and among third parties . Through their actions and resources, allies can play a vital role in not only awakening the sense of injustice in the oppressor, but also by increasing the bargaining power of the oppressed. Additionally, they often can facilitate a constructive, nonviolent process of conflict resolution and social change through the procedures and resources they make available to foster and maintain such a process.

I conclude by stating that my objective in these essays was to provide a generalized framework for characterizing oppression and the forms it takes, as well as to consider what keeps it in place, and how it can be overcome. I hope this framework can be usefully applied to understand and change oppressive relations between specific groups such those between men and women, the economically privileged and the disadvantaged, managers and workers, parents and children, and between different racial, religious, and ethnic groups.

Note: This was originally one long article on oppression, which we have broken up to post on Beyond Intractability . This is the final essay in the series; the first is: The Nature and Origins of Oppression .

First, the update.  Deutsch wrote in 2004, "There has been no systematic research of which I am aware that attempts to determine the conditions under which nonviolent methods are likely to succeed or fail."  This has since been undertaken by Erica Chenoweth who has done extensive research on the success and, at times, failure of nonviolent direct action. [9] Intriguingly, she has found not only that nonviolent protests are twice as likely to succeed in attaining their goals than are armed conflicts, but those that engage at least 3.5% of the population have never (at least as of 2011) failed to bring about change. [10]  Conversely, armed conflicts, even those supported by a large proportion of the population, often fail. No amount of popular support in the United States was going to make those efforts successful. Even confining oneself to internal armed struggles (civil wars), these often fail: consider the succession of the South in the U.S. Civil War, the civil wars in Nicaragua, El Salvador, and Guatemala, or the Civil War in Sri Lanka, all of which failed to overthrow the repressive regime, even though they were supported by far more than 3.5% of the populations.  

Now, the observations. Protestors responding to the police killing of George Floyd in Minneapolis have, without much effort, as far as I can tell, managed to amass a large group of allies.  It is not just Blacks who are marching—it is many Whites too, and other people of color.  It is still not clear, however, how much of this will lead to effective and sustainable reforms. Calls to "defund the police" actually do not seem to be taking into account the desires of the Blacks themselves who often decry the poor quality of service they get from the police when they do need protection from gang wars and drug dealers.  Calls for reparations for slavery do not consider the needs of other oppressed minorities:  Native Americans who were forcibly removed from their land and put on reservations, LatinX who are widely discriminated against (including undocumented workers who are welcomed into our economy but denied the most basic citizenship rights), Japanese Americans who were locked up during World War II, even some white Americans can face serious, though usually not as severe, forms of exploitation. Including these groups in demands for structural change and compensation would make the nonviolent protest much stronger.

There also is a discussion going on right now on social media and elsewhere about the legitimacy and efficacy of violence in response to the George Floyd killing.  I heard and read a number of people who discounted the looting and other criminal activity that went on during the early stages of the George Floyd protests, saying that it "didn't hold a candle" to the violence Blacks have been forced to endure.  That's true, no doubt.  But I concur with Deustch's observation that such actions weaken the support for the protest action among both potential allies and the targets of the action—the powerful group.  By staying nonviolent, the potential persuasive ability of the nonviolent action is much higher.  Fortunately, most of the protestors figured this out themselves, and seem to have done a good job of self policing, and getting the looters and other trouble-makers to back off.

Again, as a bottom line, this essay and the previous one on how to use perusasion to overcome oppression are stock full of ideas that are just are relevant today as they were fifteen years ago.  I highly recommend that people interested in how to really succeed in changing power structures in America read these two essays! 

-- Heidi Burgess, July 2020

Back to Essay Top

[1] Mandela, N. (1994). A Long Walk to Freedom: The Autobiography of Nelson Mandela . London: Little Brown.

[2] Ibid, p. 427.

[3] Ibid, 297-9.

[4] Alinsky, S.D. (1971). Rules for Radicals: A Practical Primer for Realistic Radicals . New York: Random House, p. 152.

[6] Mandela, op. cit., 282-283.

[7] Holmes, R.L., ed., (1990). Nonviolence in Theory and Practice . Belmont, CA: Wadsworth Publishing Co, p. 5.

[8] Sharp, G. (1971). The Politics of Nonviolent Action: An Encyclopedia of Thought and Action . Philadelphia, PA: Pilgrim Press.

[9] Chenoweth, E. and Maria J. Stephan. Why Civil Resistance Works: The Strategic Logic of Nonviolent Conflict. New Yrok: Columbia University Press, August, 2011.   Also see Chenoweth's TED Talk discussing her research:   https://www.nonviolent-conflict.org/resource/success-nonviolent-civil-resistance/

[10] Fobson, D. "The '3.5% rule': How a small minority can change the world." BBC.  May 13, 2009.  https://www.bbc.com/future/article/20190513-it-only-takes-35-of-people-to-change-the-world . Accessed July 6, 2020.

Use the following to cite this article: Deutsch, Morton. "Overcoming Oppression with Power." Beyond Intractability . Eds. Guy Burgess and Heidi Burgess. Conflict Information Consortium, University of Colorado, Boulder. Posted: March 2005 < http://www.beyondintractability.org/essay/oppression-power >.

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Anti-Bias Education and the Importance of Teaching About Systemic Oppression

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As our nation’s children head back to school, it’s a stressful and scary time. Families, students and educators continue to struggle with a pandemic that is surging. After the last school year with unpredictable and intermittent remote learning and continued fear, loss, and grief, teachers are exhausted. In our current reality of a highly contagious COVID-19 variant, lack of mask mandates in some states, and children under 12 unable to get vaccinated, the anticipation of the upcoming school year will almost certainly bring more anguish, pain, and loss.

Critical Race Theory Bans Sweep the Nation

Adding insult to injury, over the past six months states have been furiously passing laws across the country that ban “critical race theory” (CRT) and “divisive concepts.” As of August 12, 26 states have introduced bills or taken steps to restrict or limit the teaching about racism, sexism, bias, and the contributions of specific racial or ethnic groups to U.S. history. Twelve states have enacted bans, either through legislation or other avenues. Amid the pandemic, these laws add a consequential layer of intimidation, fear, and disrespect for educators. It’s a hard time to be a teacher right now.

Critical race theory is an academic framework that seeks to understand and examine how the law and policies perpetuate racial disparities in society (e.g., health care, education, legal, criminal justice, housing, voting, etc.). We know that CRT is not widely taught in K-12 schools, nor is CRT a curriculum or teaching methodology. However, the purpose of these laws—beyond politics and inciting energy for upcoming elections—is an attempt to restrict or prevent teachers from teaching about racism, sexism, and other forms of systemic oppression.

These laws can potentially prevent teachers from reading a children’s book about the Tulsa Race Massacre of 1921, reflecting on Black Lives Matter and what to do about police violence, understanding current day hate symbols like noose incidents and their historical context of racial terror, and much more.

Why We Need to Teach About Systemic Racism and Other Oppression

These restrictions are concerning precisely because they contradict one of the most important goals of education—to teach young people how to think critically and foster a more just and equitable society so that all people can learn, live, and thrive. To do that, students need to understand what bias and injustice are, how they manifest in society—particularly in systemic ways through our institutions—the historical roots of bias and oppression, and how those injustices have been historically and continue to be challenged and disrupted.

A recent survey illustrates that educators agree. In a nationwide survey of educators, 59 percent said they believe that systemic racism exists. A majority (84 percent) of respondents said they teach about racism in their classroom either exclusively in a historical context or as it relates to both history and present-day issues. Only 16 percent said they never discuss racism in their classrooms. When asked if there should be legal limits on classroom conversations about racism, sexism, and other controversial issues, a majority said no.

After last year’s sustained protests for racial justice and our society becoming more cognizant of structural racism, K-12 educators, who are still almost 80 percent white, are increasingly more likely to incorporate concepts that address structural racism and other forms of bias into their instruction. This is likely one of the reasons these state laws are popping up, to try to curb these discussions from taking place.

Helping Children Make Sense of the Disparities They See

By the time children reach preschool at ages 4 and 5, they already show signs of racial bias. As children spend time in our nation’s schools, they face and observe bias every day. This bias is reflected through inequitable funding and access to resources; unfair discipline practices that disproportionately impact Black, Latinx, and Indigenous students and students with disabilities; biased remarks and identity-based bullying in the hallways, buses, classrooms and online; exclusion of people of color reflected in the curriculum, literature, textbooks, and images around their school; not learning the true history of injustice, struggle, and activism in this country; and, especially for students of color, not having role models as teachers, staff, and administrators. This harms students of color, white students, and society.

Not only do young people see and experience bias and injustice in schools, but they also see and experience how it manifests in other places and spaces in society, including in the criminal justice system, health care, workplaces, voting rights, online, housing, media, higher education, and the legal system. Young people are watching, observing, and taking note. When they see negative disproportionate outcomes for people of color or other marginalized groups (e.g., Black boys and girls being more often disciplined in school, men holding elected office more than women), they need help to make sense of these long-standing inequities. According to Dr. Rebecca Bigler, a developmental psychologist who studies prejudice, when children aren’t presented with the context to understand or analyze why our society looks the way it does, “they make up reasons, and a lot of kids make up biased, racist reasons.” Without the language and a way to think critically about how these inequities show up in systems and institutions, young people may think certain groups “deserve” those outcomes or they accept that’s “just the way it is.” This leads to a devaluing of themselves and others and cements the bias in their minds.

What Is Anti-Bias Education?

One of the objectives of anti-bias education is to help students make sense of and explain bias. Anti-bias education is a comprehensive approach to teaching and learning designed to increase understanding of identity and differences and their value to an inclusive and just society, and then actively challenge bias, discrimination, and injustice that we see in schools, communities, and society. The goal of anti-bias education is to help young people, and those who work with them, to challenge bias in ourselves, others, and society.

ADL Education’s approach to anti-bias education uses a thematic sequence that incorporates the following four pillars:

• Explore Identity: To help students explore the various aspects of identity; reflect how identity consciously and unconsciously shapes one’s worldview; and apply this understanding to recognize the relationship between identity, bias and power.
• Interpret Differences: To help students recognize the value of diversity in society; adopt a vocabulary for speaking about differences, prejudice and discrimination; and develop strategies to communicate across differences.
• Challenge Bias : To help students build the capacity to recognize and confront bias within themselves, others, and institutions; examine the relationship between individual biases and systemic oppression, including the impact of intersecting oppressions; and demonstrate awareness of the harm resulting from unchecked bias and oppression.
• Champion Justice: To help students put into practice skills to confront bias within oneself, others and institutions; motivate individuals to act as change agents in their communities; and apply this understanding to bring about a more equitable and just society.

The goal of anti-bias learning is not to become free of bias, because we know that bias is universal, and we all have biases. Our biases are shaped by our experiences in the world around us and all those influences like our families, the media, who we know and don’t know, what we see takes place in our institutions. Indeed, bias is learned. However, through a process of willingly and consistently recognizing bias and actively taking steps to address it, like anti-bias education, we can challenge and overcome bias.

What Can You Do?

For parents, educators, and others who want to push back about these laws and amplify the importance of anti-bias education and teaching about racism and other injustices, here are some suggested actions you can take.

• Support anti-bias, antiracism, and other DEI (diversity, equity and inclusion) efforts in schools. Back teachers who, despite these laws, will continue to teach the truth about history and current issues.
• Challenge and speak out about the laws in your or others’ states by sharing your thoughts and opinions with your elected officials. It is also important to advocate for the expansion of anti-bias education and DEI efforts as several states are already doing.
• Learn more about why it is important not to restrict teaching about racism, sexism and controversial issues. Encourage others to join you in this learning process.

The purpose of education is to prepare students to learn about and actively participate in our democracy. Facilitating their learning about our history and present, mistakes and all, will help young people build a better future for all of us. That should be the priority for those working to make schools engaging, truthful and productive places of learning for our nation’s children.

The opinions expressed in Peter DeWitt’s Finding Common Ground are strictly those of the author(s) and do not reflect the opinions or endorsement of Editorial Projects in Education, or any of its publications.

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Women’s Inequality, Oppression and Well-Being Essay

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Introduction

Women’s equality and oppression.

In a society that is dedicated to creating equality for girls and women, there is no space for gender oppression. This means that women would have the opportunity to attain high leadership positions and not have a wage gap with their male counterparts, violence would be reduced, while in general, females would be valued and respected. These improvements have the potential to contribute to women’s overall well-being. From the perspective of natural and applied sciences, women’s equality and oppression are relevant to the issue of establishing gender equality in the sciences, which is a research-based challenge that has not been addressed yet.

Gender diversity in science can help bring professionals with unique backgrounds, ideas, and perspectives to facilitate discoveries. In natural and applied sciences, the issue of gender equality and oppression can provide social commentary on the barriers that women researchers face in their respective fields (Tobin, 2017). The lack of equality can decrease the opportunities for self-development and financial prosperity, which are essential contributors to overall well-being (Baciu et al., 2017). Science can help resolve the issue by shedding light on significant gaps that women researchers experience in their fields using real-world data gathered from participants.

The problem can be resolved when more women are allowed to participate in scientific research, when institutions and their policies support diverse research fields, and when the knowledge is fixed by integrating gender and sex analysis into research. In various science fields, more attention must be focused on boosting the opportunities for women when they want to pursue professions in areas such as STEM. Moreover, different programs, policies, and investments in applied sciences are needed to facilitate the integration of women into research fields.

Dismantling the oppressive and unequal social structures is detrimental to improved overall wellness, which is synonymous with good physical and mental health, equal educational and professional opportunities, as well as the potential for personal development. Women’s oppression and inequality have been major social problems, which is why they can be explored through the lens of social sciences. Historically, societies have developed in such a way that it has been accepting of gender violence, the limitations of sociopolitical rights of women, and the understatement of women’s role in society.

Through social sciences, which range from physiology to social anthropology, it is possible to look at the problem from various angles. Notably, the perspective of the social sciences will be instrumental in studying the relationships between female and male genders within societies (McKenzie et al., 2018). A deeper understanding of the social issue can be achieved by looking at the details of relationships, such as career choices and outcomes, roles in raising children, domestic roles, and others (Friebel et al., 2021). Social sciences can also derive methods from natural sciences, which also allows using data from real-life participants who have diverse perspectives and experiences.

To conclude, the issue of women’s oppression and inequality is a natural problem to be explored in the social sciences because it is diverse and can include a range of aspects that pertains to their social lives. It is expected to achieve wellness among women when they are highly valued in society and have opportunities to establish themselves as valuable members who can give value through their experiences.

Friebel, G., Lalanne, M., Richter, B., Schwardmann, P., & Seabright, P. (2021). Gender differences in social interactions. Journal of Economic Behavior & Organization, 186 , 33-45. Web.

McKenzie, S. K., Collings, S., Jenkin, G., & River, J. (2018). Masculinity, social connectedness, and mental health: Men’s diverse patterns of practice. American Journal of Men’s Health, 2018 , 1247-1261. Web.

• The Cyborg Term in the Context of Feminist Studies
• Women in Power and Their Decision-Making
• Social Wellness in Social Media
• Importance of Workplace Wellness for Business
• Wellness in Theoretic Modeling and Counseling Practice
• Negative Influence of Gendered Division of Labor on Women’s Position in Society
• Women’s Challenges and Gender Expectations
• Women in Church, Politics, and Society
• Gender Inequality in the Construction Field
• The Barriers That Gender Minorities Experience in the US
• Chicago (A-D)
• Chicago (N-B)

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Whether we are aware of it or not, we are all assigned multiple social identities. Within each category, there is a hierarchy - a social status with dominant and non-dominant groups. As with race , dominant members can bestow benefits to members they deem "normal," or limit opportunities to members that fall into "other" categories.

A person of the non-dominant group can experience oppression in the form of limitations, disadvantages, or disapproval. They may even suffer abuse from individuals, institutions, or cultural practices. "Oppression" refers to a combination of prejudice and institutional power  that creates a system that regularly and severely discriminates against some groups and benefits other groups.

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Systems of Oppression The term "systems of oppression" helps us better identify inequity by calling attention to the historical and organized patterns of mistreatment. In the United States, systems of oppression (like systemic racism) are woven into the very foundation of American culture, society, and laws. Other examples of systems of oppression are sexism, heterosexism, ableism, classism, ageism, and anti-Semitism. Society's institutions, such as government, education, and culture, all contribute or reinforce the oppression of marginalized social groups while elevating dominant social groups.

Social Identities A social identity is both internally constructed and externally applied, occurring simultaneously. Educators from oneTILT  define social identity as having these three characteristics:

• Exists (or is consistently used) to bestow power, benefits, or disadvantage.
• Is used to explain differences in outcomes, effort, or ability.
• Is immutable or otherwise sticky (difficult, costly, or dangerous) to change.

Stop and Think!

Explore your own social identities [ view PDF ]

Learn More!

Download this fact sheet on privilege and oppression in American society from Kalamazoo College

There is no hierarchy of oppressions. Audre Lorde

Oppression causes deep suffering, but trying to decide whether one oppression is worse than others is problematic. It diminishes lived experiences and divides communities that should be working together. Many people experience abuse based on multiple social identities. Often, oppressions overlap to cause people even more hardship. This overlapping of oppressed groups is referred to as "intersectionality ." Legal scholar Kimberlé Crenshaw coined the term in the 1980s to describe how black women faced heightened struggles and suffering in American society because they belonged to multiple oppressed social groups.

Watch: A short video on black women and the concept of intersectionality. From the NMAAHC, #APeoplesJourney , "African American Women and the Struggle for Equality.”

During the time Crenshaw was articulating the concept of intersectionality, poet-scholar and social activist Audre Lorde  warned America against fighting against some oppressions but not others. She insisted, "There is no hierarchy of oppression." All oppressions must be recognized and fought against simultaneously. She pushed American society to understand that although we possess different identities, we are all connected as human beings.

“So long as we are divided because of our particular identities we cannot join together in effective political action.”

Audre Lorde cautioned us about the ways that our various identities can prevent us from seeing our shared humanity. Why do you think she felt this was a danger to all people?

In American society, systems of oppression and their effects on people have a long, profound history. However, America and our society can change. As our country continues to evolve, we can acknowledge its problems and work to make changes for the better. We can join together to resist the status quo and the systemic barriers that exist to create new systems of justice, fairness, and compassion for us all.

To make this better America, each of us should look at our own privileges and power. Some people have more power or influence than others, and this can shift quickly according to circumstances . Do you enjoy power, privilege, or influence? If so, what do you do with it? Do you silently enjoy your moments of comfort? Or, do you take risks to stand in solidarity with others?

Take a moment to reflect

Let's Think

• “I learned a lot about systems of oppression and how they can be blind to one another by talking to black men. I was once talking about gender and a man said to me, ’Why does it have to be you as a woman? Why not you as a human being?’ This type of question is a way of silencing a person's specific experiences. Of course, I am a human being, but there are particular things that happen to me in the world because I am a woman.” - Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie​
• Why do you think Ngozi Adichie insisted on being able to talk directly about her specific identity as a woman?
• What identities are important to you that others don’t always acknowledge?

• It can be hard to talk about oppression no matter what side you find yourself on. However, these conversations are needed to develop a deeper understanding of the issues and prevent further harm. An effective way to enter into these kinds of conversations is by thinking through your own social identity.  
• Do this “Social Identity Timeline Activity” with one or more people . 
• Find relevant handouts here . Source: Resource adapted for use by the Program on Intergroup Relations, University of Michigan; Resource hosted by LSA Inclusive Teaching Initiative, University of Michigan .
• Share about the process of your identity formation with your partners using the discussion questions.  
• WATCH:  How the U.S. Suppressed Native American Identity
• How do you think individuals, institutions, and the dominant American society justified this cruel and inhumane treatment?  
• What kept those who had power and voice (government officials, school teachers, civic leaders, regular citizens, etc.) from acknowledging the humanity of these children and preventing this atrocity?  
• Banks connects historical oppression to current oppression faced by Native peoples. How can we join together as allies against this oppression?

• Work to be continuously self-reflective about your own privilege and power. Write self-reflections and revisit them so that you can seek out resources and supports to stop your own contributions to oppression.  
• Be a Georgia Gilmore by joining with others in teaching, advocating, and organizing locally to dismantle systems of oppression where you are.

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Essays on oppression

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Essay on Oppression Of Women

Students are often asked to write an essay on Oppression Of Women in their schools and colleges. And if you’re also looking for the same, we have created 100-word, 250-word, and 500-word essays on the topic.

Let’s take a look…

100 Words Essay on Oppression Of Women

Understanding oppression.

Oppression means treating someone unfairly. Women often face this problem. This unfair treatment is called “Oppression of Women”. It is a big issue that people around the world are trying to solve.

The Start of Oppression

The oppression of women started a long time ago. In the past, society believed men were more important. Women were not allowed to work or study. They had to stay at home and take care of the family. This belief is still present in some places today.

Forms of Oppression

Oppression can take many forms. Women may be paid less than men for the same job. They may not be allowed to make important decisions. They may also face violence or abuse.

Fighting Oppression

To fight oppression, we need to treat everyone equally. Women should have the same rights as men. They should be able to work, study, and make decisions freely. This will help end the oppression of women.

The Role of Education

Oppression of women is a big problem. But by treating everyone equally and through education, we can end this unfair treatment. Let’s work together to create a world where everyone is respected and valued.

250 Words Essay on Oppression Of Women

Understanding oppression of women.

Oppression of women is a serious issue. It means treating women unfairly just because they are women. This unfair treatment can be seen in many parts of our lives.

History of Oppression

In the past, women were not allowed to vote, go to school, or work. Men made all the decisions. Women had to stay at home and take care of the family. This was not fair.

Oppression of women takes many forms today. Some women are not paid the same as men for doing the same job. This is called wage inequality. Other forms of oppression include not letting women make decisions about their own bodies, or not giving them the same chances as men to succeed in life.

Effects of Oppression

Oppression hurts women. It makes them feel less important than men. It can also make it hard for them to reach their goals and dreams. This is not good for our society. Everyone should have the same chances to succeed.

Standing Against Oppression

In conclusion, the oppression of women is a problem that we all need to work on. By understanding what it is and how it affects people, we can help to make a better world for everyone.

500 Words Essay on Oppression Of Women

Introduction.

Oppression of women is a big issue that has been around for a long time. It means treating women unfairly just because they are women. This unfair treatment can happen at home, at school, at work, and even in public places. It is a global problem, which means it happens all around the world.

Types of Oppression

Causes of oppression.

The root cause of this problem is the belief that men are superior to women. This belief is often passed down from generation to generation, and it can be hard to change. Some people also believe in old traditions that limit the roles and rights of women. These beliefs and traditions can lead to the oppression of women.

The effects of oppression on women can be very harmful. It can lead to low self-esteem, depression, and even physical health problems. It can also limit a woman’s opportunities in life. For example, if a woman is not allowed to go to school or work, she may not be able to reach her full potential.

Combating Oppression

In conclusion, the oppression of women is a serious problem that needs to be addressed. It is important for everyone to understand what this issue is, why it happens, and what can be done to stop it. By working together, we can make a difference and create a world where all women are treated with respect and equality.

Remember, change starts with us. If we all take steps to treat women fairly, we can help to end the oppression of women. No one should be treated unfairly just because of their gender. Women have the same rights as men, and they should be given the same opportunities to succeed in life.

This is a short essay, but it is a big topic. There is a lot more to learn about the oppression of women. But this is a good start. If you want to learn more, you can read books, watch documentaries, or talk to people who are working to end the oppression of women.

If you’re looking for more, here are essays on other interesting topics:

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Essay about The Importance Of Oppression For Teenagers

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