code of ethics police essay

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Essay on Law Enforcement Code of Ethics

The core principles of law enforcement ethics, four pillars of law enforcement ethics: fairness, service, law importance, and personal conduct, confronting corruption: challenges within law enforcement, addressing corruption and ethical dilemmas in policing, conclusion and call for community engagement.

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Individual officers explain that the blame for corruption is placed on the “rotten apple” in the department. (This is the most convenient explanation for the agency, but not widely accepted because hiring has improved and because some departments seem to experience more corruption than others do.)
The nature of police work takes place with officers working alone or in pairs, and with or without supervision and the conditions of work often cause the officer to become cynical. Constant exposure to wrongdoing can lead the officer to believe that everyone is doing it.
The police organization flourishes in departments in which the organizational culture tolerates it and the departmental integrity and expectations of being disciplined for certain acts are low.
The police subculture's emphasis on loyalty and group solidarity can lead to lying and cover-ups.
Dempsey, J. and Forst, L. (2014). An Introduction to Policing. Police Ethics and Police Deviance. Pages 226-258.
Peterson, F. (2019). Legal Consequences of Unethical Behavior. Retrieved from: www.mcrazlaw.com/legal-consequences-of-unethical-behavior
Roufa, T. (2019). Ethics in Law Enforcement and Policing. Retrieved from: https://www.honestpolice.org/editoral-2/ethics-in-law-enforcement-and-policing
US Department of Justice Civil Rights Division. (2019). Addressing Police Misconduct Laws Enforced By The Department of Justice. Retrieved from: www.justice.gov>Home>Civil Rights Division

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Focus on Ethics: Rethinking Ethics in Law Enforcement

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Focus on Ethics

Rethinking Ethics in Law Enforcement

By Brian D. Fitch, Ph.D.

“To know the good is to do the good” Socrates 1

Law enforcement agencies strive to recruit, hire, and train only those who demonstrate strong moral values before they enter the academy. Yet, even departments’ best efforts will not prevent instances of police misconduct from garnering attention. Such incidents undermine public trust, jeopardize important investigations, and expose agencies to considerable liability. Many departments respond to these events by adopting formal ethics training programs that focus on character development, which Aristotle referred to as virtue ethics. 2 Like the Socrates quote, Aristotle’s philosophy teaches that as conduct reflects officers’ character and, thus, the various ways that they respond to moral dilemmas, this illustrates fundamental differences in their personal values.

Virtue ethics relies on dispositional qualities, such as personality traits, values, or attitudes, to explain deviant behavior. For example, if officers fabricate evidence to obtain search warrants, their actions reflect their dishonest character. According to this view, character predisposes officers to act certain ways, regardless of the situation. An honest officer feels obligated to tell the truth, while a dishonest one feels inclined to steal. Similarly, a brave officer strives to act courageously, whereas a coward recoils at danger. In either case, officers possess long-term, stable dispositions, and they behave in highly predictable ways.

Unfortunately, decades of research contradict the theory that people differ strongly in their basic character; nearly everyone holds virtuous at the abstract level, and most individuals endorse a similar set of high-level moral values. 3 For example, studies have found that delinquent juveniles subscribe to the same set of conceptual values as their less troubled counterparts, despite their unruly behavior—which suggests that lofty moral values often matter much less than what is commonly believed. 4

Proponents of virtue ethics argue that certain officers misbehave because they lack character. These “bad apples” managed to “slip through the cracks” despite their unethical values. They argue that police abuse occurs in isolated incidents and involves a few immoral opportunists who were corrupt before they became officers. Unfortunately, this interpretation fails to explain how otherwise exemplary officers with no prior history of wrongdoing, many of whom are sterling role models in their families, churches, and communities, can become involved in misconduct.

Certainly, officers’ character, or virtue ethics, still are crucial to their success. However, this narrow view concentrates almost exclusively on moral values and thus ignores the situational and psychological factors that influence behavior. Mitigating the risk for officer misconduct requires a more complete understanding of human behavior and motivation. This article offers law enforcement professionals a new way to think about misconduct. This explanation emphasizes moral development, social learning, and cognitive rationalization and suggests tactics to foster a culture of ethics in any agency.

Moral Development

Before officers can behave ethically, they must recognize the morals at stake in the situation, understand the principles and values involved, and choose the proper course of action. 5 To explain this reasoning process, psychologist Lawrence Kohlberg proposed perhaps the most influential theory of moral development. He believed that moral development proceeds along three highly predictable, invariant levels, termed preconventional, conventional, and postconventional, with each one organized into two distinct stages. 6 According to Kohlberg, at each stage, people employ increasingly sophisticated explanations and problem-solving strategies to address moral dilemmas.

At the simplest level of reasoning, the preconventional, external consequences guide individuals’ sense of right and wrong—punishment in stage one and self-interest in stage two. At this point, they possess no internalized values or rules to guide behavior.

As people progress to the conventional level, they determine right and wrong based on social expectations (stage three) and the desire to maintain social order by following laws and showing respect for authority (stage four). They determine moral reasoning through conformity to social rules, norms, and expectations.

Finally, at the postconventional level, people judge morality based on the desire to protect the basic liberties of all members of society. In stage five, individuals only uphold legal principles that promote fairness, justice, and equity; by stage six, they follow self-selected ethical and moral principles that encourage respect for human life, equality, and human dignity. If these internal principles conflict with societal laws, the self-chosen principles reign supreme.

While officers’ stages of moral development obviously impact their on-the-job behavior, most adults determine proper behavior, as well as the moral implications of those actions, after they observe other group members. This especially rings true in unfamiliar or ambiguous circumstances, which often describes the situation of newly assigned officers.

In the 1960s, Yale University psychologist Stanley Milgram demonstrated how external factors influence moral judgment in a series of experiments on obedience. 7 The experiment involved teams of three people: an experimenter, a “learner,” and a teacher (the only actual subject of the experiment). The experimenter instructed the teacher to quiz the learner, a confederate of the researcher, on a list of word pairs. Each time the learner answered incorrectly, the teacher administered shocks from what they thought was an electroshock generator. The learner, located in another room and hidden from view, pretended to express increasing discomfort, even banging on the walls and reminding the teacher of a “preexisting heart condition.” As the shocks approached 135 volts, many of the teachers began to question the experiment. Almost invariably, the subjects (teachers) looked to the experimenter for ethical guidance. When the experimenter instructed the teachers to persist, the majority of subjects delivered shocks to the maximum level of 450 volts despite the learner’s desperate pleas.

“Mitigating the risk for officer misconduct requires a more complete understanding of human behavior and motivation.”

Milgram’s findings were unsettling, to say the least. However, a set of follow-up experiments designed to test a second person’s influence on participants’ behavior yielded very different results. When the second “teacher” (another confederate of Milgram) declined to administer shocks past 210 volts, the majority of experimental subjects also refused. This result implies that the mere presence of a second person sufficed to motivate the subjects to “vote their conscience” (i.e., to follow their best judgment and stop the experiment).

Despite the forecast of a group of psychiatrists who predicted that only 1 percent of subjects would administer the maximum shock of 450 volts, 2/3 of subjects (65 percent) in the original set of trials delivered the maximum shock. During the follow-up experiments, however, when a second teacher refused to proceed past 210 volts, only 10 percent of the subjects continued to the maximum level of 450 volts. Milgram concluded that the presence of an authority figure (experimenter) significantly influenced the teachers’ decisions to continue the shocks in the first set of experiments; however, the mere presence of another conscientious observer overcame those effects.

Milgram’s findings provide strong evidence for the theory that most people look to others for moral guidance, especially in unfamiliar situations. For law enforcement leaders, the lesson is clear—with ethics, most officers need to be led. Additionally, the formal and informal leaders who provide this guidance play a critical role in officers’ moral development and conduct.

Social Learning

Most officers enter law enforcement with minimal experience in the field or in handling the moral dilemmas that officers typically encounter. They learn how to perform their jobs, as well as recognize the organizational norms, values, and culture, from their peers and supervisors. While supervisors provide direct, formal reinforcement, officers’ peers offer friendship and informal rewards that, in many cases, hold greater influence than official recognition from the agency. Also, police often spend considerable time socializing with other officers, both on and off the job. This sense of community drives officers to adopt the behaviors, values, and attitudes of the group in order to gain acceptance.

Because behavior results from consequences, law enforcement officers learn about acceptable and unacceptable practices through a consistent, timely, and meaningful system of reward and punishment. Officers likely will repeat behaviors that lead to reinforcing outcomes, while they rarely will duplicate behaviors that lead to punishment—an occurrence referred to as the Law of Effect . 8 If officers receive positive reinforcement after they perform certain actions, even illegal ones, they likely will behave similarly in the future despite organizational policies or prohibitions.

Officers observe how other group members receive recognition, both formally by the organization and informally by their peers, to learn what constitutes appropriate behavior in a process known as vicarious learning. 9 Psychologists discovered that the most effective vicarious learning models possess specific attributes.

Competence: Most police officers take great pride in the ability to perform their duties with minimal supervision, even in demanding circumstances. Therefore, they model the behavior of the most competent and experienced officers.
Status: Typically, officers respect those with impressive organizational status. In law enforcement, though, an individual may hold status not within the larger agency, but only among an informal group or specialized unit. Informal peer leaders shape the behavior of less experienced officers who aspire to a similarly prominent position.
Power: Those who can reward or punish an officer’s performance, either formally or informally, tend to wield the most influence. Like recognition, power can be either formal or informal, and sometimes those with unofficial power hold significantly more sway than official organizational policies or formal supervision.

These informal power networks can exacerbate unethical behavior by transmitting a set of shared values, beliefs, and norms that depart from agency policy. Research finds that officers engage in certain forms of conduct to secure and maintain peer-group approval. 10 If officers remain unsure about the legality or morality of a particular behavior, they look to the peer group for assurance, just as Milgram’s subjects relied on the experimenter for ethical guidance. When officers engage in immoral conduct, they often justify their actions through the values and beliefs of the peer group.

“…most adults determine proper behavior, as well as the moral implications of those actions, after they observe other group members.”

Cognitive Rationalizations

Regardless of external influences, most individuals first convince themselves of the morality of their actions. Unethical officers might employ cognitive rationalizations, mental and linguistic strategies that sanitize or neutralize deviant behavior, to make their actions appear socially acceptable. Interestingly, research on white-collar crime indicates that corrupt individuals do not view themselves as such, and they explain their behaviors as part of normal, acceptable business practices. Similar studies of law enforcement found that police officers define misconduct in very narrow terms, while citizens define it more broadly. Officers may employ specific strategies to nullify their negative feelings or regrets about misconduct. 11

Denial of victim: With this strategy, officers argue that the violated party deserved to be victimized. For example, an officer who steals cash from a suspected drug dealer during a search argues that the dealer holds no entitlement to the money because he earned it illegitimately.
Denial of responsibility: Police convince themselves that they acted improperly because no other options existed. The circumstances may involve peer pressure, an unethical supervisor, or an environment where “everyone else was doing it.” These officers view themselves as victims with no real choice but to participate in the misconduct.
Denial of injury: In this form of rationalization, guilty parties convince themselves that their actions did not harm anybody and, thus, were not really corrupt. For example, officers might feel tempted to justify stealing profits from a drug dealer when the dealer did not rightfully earn the money, and it would be difficult to identify an aggrieved party. Police neutralize this behavior by comparing their actions to the crimes of the drug dealer.
Social weighting: When relying on this form of explanation, corrupt police make selective social comparisons to justify their unethical conduct. For instance, officers who falsify a police report to convict a robbery suspect might minimize their participation in the misconduct and vilify a coworker who “lies all the time on reports.”
Moral justification: At times, people claim that they must break certain rules to achieve a more important goal. For example, officers may violate strict search and seizure laws to arrest a pedophile because, given the high stakes of the crime, they believe that the ends justify the means. Officers with this attitude feel that if the laws prevent them from effectively executing their job, then they must bend the rules or make an exception to arrest a dangerous felon. Unlike other rationalizations, moral justification not only excuses deviant conduct but can actually glorify such acts in the name of justice. Officers often convince themselves that their jobs demand such actions for the “greater good.”

In law enforcement, officers can invoke these rationalizations either prospectively (before the corrupt act) to forestall guilt and resistance or retrospectively (after the misconduct) to erase any regrets. Law enforcement leaders must remain alert to the presence of rationalization in their agency’s culture because rationalization alters the definition of unethical conduct to make immoral behavior seem socially acceptable.

Culture of Ethics

Law enforcement leaders must create a culture of ethics within their agency. First, the organization must ascribe to a mission statement and a clear set of operating values that represent more than hollow promises, but, rather, establish standards for employees’ behavior at all levels and illustrate that ethics play a crucial role in an officer’s success in the agency. 12 If managers neglect ethics or, even worse, behave poorly themselves, this demonstrates to officers that neither the agency nor its leaders care about proper conduct. Strong moral behavior at all levels sends officers a clear, consistent message that the agency will not tolerate inappropriate behavior.

Next, supervisors should work diligently to reward appropriate conduct and correct inappropriate behavior. 13 Because informal leaders significantly impact officers’ attitudes and behaviors, formal managers must confront ethical problems immediately and penalize immoral conduct quickly and appropriately. For an effective culture of ethics, officers must observe that ethical officers advance their careers and immoral ones receive punishment.

Often, supervisors struggle to accept that members of their agency behave unethically. Even when they openly acknowledge wrongdoing, senior management can blame the misconduct on rogue officers and argue that they misrepresent the larger agency. Law enforcement leaders must accept the possibility of pervasive unethical conduct and quickly address such incidents.

Finally, law enforcement agencies should frequently discuss ethics in the workplace. 14 Like physical fitness, ethical fitness requires constant practice. Case studies provide an effective tool for this continual reinforcement; they allow officers to test their moral reasoning skills, discuss their views, and share their experiences in a safe environment.

Supervisors who facilitate case studies should select relevant, real-world examples that challenge officers to think critically. The facilitator should not recite a lengthy, theoretical monologue on the importance of ethics, but, rather, challenge students on key issues, promote discussion, and examine the consequences of different actions. Depending on the topic, the facilitator can showcase video documentaries, news stories, or fictional examples. Ultimately, an honest exchange of information and ideas stimulates moral development and proper ethical conduct.

“…law enforcement officers learn about acceptable and unacceptable practices through a consistent, timely, and meaningful system of reward and punishment.”

Law enforcement officers must safeguard the public’s trust to perform their jobs effectively. Because ethical conduct greatly impacts public trust, law enforcement agencies must closely examine their policies, reward systems, and training to ensure that their agency fosters a culture of firm ethical values. Instead of expecting that officers already possess a firmly engrained set of values (good or bad) when they enter the police force, managers must remember that all officers have the potential to act virtuously; but, when the work environment allows misbehavior either implicitly or explicitly, the potential for abuse skyrockets. Theognis of Megara, another ancient Greek philosopher, said, “Fairly examined, truly understood, no man is wholly bad, nor wholly good.” 15 Police officers are not exempt from this idea. Effective law enforcement leaders bring out the best in their staff by ensuring that officers not only understand the right thing to do but actually do it.

A police officer stands at attention, saluting. © Photos.com

Dr. Fitch, a lieutenant with the Los Angeles, California, Sheriff’s Department, holds faculty positions in the Psychology Department at California State University, Long Beach, and with the Organizational Leadership Program at Woodbury University.

Dr. Fitch can be reached for comments at [email protected].

1 Steven M. Cahn, Exploring Philosophy: An Introductory Anthology (New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 2000). 2 George Bragues, “Seek the Good Life, Not Money: The Aristotelian Approach to Business Ethics,” Journal of Business Ethics 67 (2006): 341-57. 3 Lee D. Ross and Richard E. Nisbett, The Person and the Situation: Perspectives in Social Psychology (New York, NY: McGraw-Hill, 1991). 4 Alexander H. Jordan and Benoit Monin, “From Sucker to Saint: Moralization in Response to Self-Threat,” Psychological Science 8 (2008): 809-15. 5 Rushworth M. Kidder, How Good People Make Tough Choices: Resolving the Dilemmas of Ethical Living (New York, NY: Harper, 1995). 6 William Crain, Theories of Development: Concepts and Applications , 4th ed. (New York, NY: Prentice Hall, 2000). 7 Stanley Milgram, Obedience to Authority: An Experimental View (New York, NY: Harper Collins, 1975). 8 John R. Anderson, Learning and Memory: An Integrated Approach , 2nd ed. (New York, NY: John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 2000). 9 Albert Bandura, “Social Cognitive Theory,” in Annals of Child Development. Vol.6: Six Theories of Child Development , ed. R. Vasta (Greenwich, CT: JAI Press, 1989), 1-60. 10 Allison T. Chappell and Alex R. Piquero, “Applying Social Learning Theory to Police Misconduct,” Deviant Behavior 25 (2004): 89-108. 11 Blake E. Ashforth and Vikas Anand, “The Normalization of Corruption in Organizations,” Research in Organizational Behavior , ed. R.M. Kramer and B.M. Staw 25 (Amsterdam: Elsevier, 2003), 1-52. 12 Gary R. Weaver, “Ethics and Employees: Making the Connection,” Academy of Management Executive 18 (2004): 121-125. 13 James C. Wimbush and Jon M. Shepard, “Toward an Understanding of Ethical Climate: Its Relationship to Ethical Behavior and Supervisory Influence,” Journal of Business Ethics 13 (1994): 637-647. 14 Brian Fitch, “Principle-Based Decision Making,” Law and Order 56 (2008): 64-70. 15 J. Banks, trans., The Works Of Hesiod, Callimachus And Theognis , London, UK: Kessinger Publishing, LLC, 2007, 457.

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Law Enforcement Code of Ethics

As a law enforcement officer, my fundamental duty is to serve the community; to safeguard lives and property; to protect the innocent against deception, the weak against oppression or intimidation and the peaceful against violence or disorder; and to respect the constitutional rights of all to liberty, equality and justice. I will keep my private life unsullied as an example to all and will behave in a manner that does not bring discredit to me or to my agency. I will maintain courageous calm in the face of danger, scorn or ridicule; develop self-restraint; and be constantly mindful of the welfare of others. Honest in thought and deed both in my personal and official life, I will be exemplary in obeying the law and the regulations of my department. Whatever I see or hear of a confidential nature or that is confided to me in my official capacity will be kept ever secret unless revelation is necessary in the performance of my duty. I will never act officiously or permit personal feelings, prejudices, political beliefs, aspirations, animosities or friendships to influence my decisions. With no compromise for crime and with relentless prosecution of criminals, I will enforce the law courteously and appropriately without fear or favor, malice or ill will, never employing unnecessary force or violence and never accepting gratuities. I recognize the badge of my office as a symbol of public faith, and I accept it as a public trust to be held so long as I am true to the ethics of police service. I will never engage in acts of corruption or bribery, nor will I condone such acts by other police officers. I will cooperate with all legally authorized agencies and their representatives in the pursuit of justice. I know that I alone am responsible for my own standard of professional performance and will take every reasonable opportunity to enhance and improve my level of knowledge and competence. I will constantly strive to achieve these objectives and ideals, dedicating myself before God to my chosen profession .......law enforcement. THE INTERNATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF CHIEFS OF POLICE

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Concepts of Police Ethics and Deviance Essay

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Introduction

Role of the code of ethics, police deviant behaviors, reference list.

Regardless of the type of police unit, at all times individuals serving under police units must follow specific set principles or codes of conduct that define their service. Although such ethics exist, reports of police failure to obey their work ethics are always in the media, a fact that makes many mistrusts such police units hence, questioning their credibility in achieving justice to all. Codes of ethics are moral standards used as the main behavior evaluating mechanism. That is, regardless of the profession, they are a set of a universally accepted set of rules that guide work performance hence, primary determinants of the nature of relationships, which may exist among different groups in the society. Although in policing the common universal ethics apply, it is important to note that, there is more scrutiny and emphasis on adherence to such ethics; police officers being agents of the peace who serve the entire community (Holden, (n.d.), p.1-2).

Although societal values and rules change constantly, at all times the society expects law-enforcing agents to apply the set professional ethics. That is, regardless of the prevailing conditions, there should be no expression of individual ideas and emotions. This should be the case primarily because, to law-enforcing agents, public well-being and interest take precedence; a fact that sometimes depicts how much the country and its ruling elite value democracy. Treating all individuals in a humane manner is one aspect of conduct, which all police officers must embrace. This goes hand in hand with performing duties correctly without any supervision; a fact that many law-enforcing agents have taken advantage of and misused the opportunity for their own good (Holden, (n.d.), pp. 4-7)

One primary role of the policing code of ethics is defining the acceptable standards under which police should perform their duties. Considering this, the code of ethics is an important tool during the qualifying of law-enforcing agents from training camps as a tool to usher them into their duties. Acceptance of the pledge is a clear indication that the law-enforcing agents are ready to perform their duties with dedication and sacrifice hence, the oath defines their terms of service. According to the police code of ethics, at all times the state expects any law-enforcing agent to offer their service to all community members with no business; offer the required security to both personal and corporate property; ensure that there is peace and respect of all individual rights in the society, and maintain justice and respect in the society. In addition, according to the police code of ethics, at all times law-enforcing agents must ensure that their private lives never interfere with their service because their badges represent the nature of trust and faith the entire society bestows on them. Closely related to the code of ethics is the code of conduct whose primary role is to ensure police officers enforce the law to their uttermost potentials (Napa Valley Criminal Justice Training Center, 2009, p.1).

In addition to being an oath tool, the codes of ethics give specifications and procedures, which police officers should use as they deliver their service. This includes guidelines for arrest, investigation, and presentation of evidence in prosecutions; guidelines aimed at ensuring that the officers minimize likelihoods of deviant behavior occurring (Rand, 2006, p.1). Examples of common deviant behaviors that result because of abuse of the policy terms of service and power include corruption, overuse of cohesion, and police misconduct.

Corruption is one of the most common police deviant behaviors, a fact that has tainted the image of the police in society. Such a tainted image has made the public lose trust in the police hence, an impediment to the development of desired relationships between the police and the public. Corruption mostly involves the misuse of power for private gain. Common forms of corruption that most police officers are involved in include receiving bribes, involvement with criminal gangs, giving out confidential information on police activities, and soliciting sexual favors from criminals, coworkers or citizens. Depending on the involved police officers, corruption can be departmental (organizational), individual, or environmental (involving the political class or the affluent influences). This has greatly contributed to the increasing crime in society because many criminal offenses go unnoticed and unpunished (Worrall, 1999, pp. 47-66 and Crank & Caldero, 2000, pp. 23-53)

Police brutality is another major deviant behavior common among law enforcement agents. Most reported police brutality cases occur during arrest, gathering of evidence from suspects or dispersing gatherings considered unlawful, for example, protestors. Closely related to this is police misconduct. To some extent, brutality is a form of police misconduct, although misconduct includes police acts, for example, sexual deviance, mistreatment, and misuse of power. Such acts are major contributors of the increasing public mistrust on police (Riccardi, 2010, p.1).

In conclusion, due to the increasing rates of police deviance behaviors, there is need for the federal government to formulate workable policies to alleviate such occurrences; remembering police officers are human hence, individuals must try to understand them too. In addition, police officers must always bear in mind that they are agents of peace in the societies hence, must always learn to respect their oaths.

Crank, J. & Caldero, M. (2000). Police Ethics: The Corruption of Noble Cause . Cincinnati: LexisNexis.

Holden, R. H. (n.d.). Ethics in Policing. Central Missouri State University. Web.

Napa Valley Criminal Justice Training Center. (2009). Napa Valley Criminal Justice Training Center: Law Enforcement Code of Ethics. NVCCJTC. Web.

Rand, A. (2006). Topics on Police Ethics. Web.

Riccardi, N. (2010). Grand jury investigating sheriff Arpaio of Arizona. LA Times . Web.

Worrall, J. L. (1999). Public Perceptions of Police Efficacy and Image: The “Fuzziness” of Support for the Police. American Journal of Criminal Justice 24, 47-66.

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The Ethicist

Is it ok to police my patient’s financial choices.

The magazine’s Ethicist columnist on a physician’s bedside manner — and the difference between justifiable concern and judgment.

By Kwame Anthony Appiah

I’m a family physician. A young woman expecting her second child came to me for obstetric care. She had a black eye — not the first one, she told me. She worked as a topless dancer, but her boyfriend was so controlling and abusive that she did not have money of her own; he didn’t even let her have much gas in her car. We developed a relationship meaningful to us both.

About a year later, she told me that she was getting breast augmentation, at a cost of thousands of dollars, which she intended to pay for in cash from her earnings. Around the same time, I discovered pre- to early cancer in her reproductive tract, and treatment was imperative to prevent progression of the disease, or risk dire consequences. She was insured by Medicaid, which is paid for with tax dollars. I think she probably didn’t report her entire income to the I.R.S. or Medicaid, or she probably would not have been eligible.

I told her I didn’t think I could ethically bill Medicaid for the diagnosis and management of the potential cancer while she was paying cash for breast surgery. (I was also not willing to risk my medical license, though I did not say this to her.) I told her we’d need to look at payment options and discuss them at her next appointment.

She never came back. I still wonder what happened to her and pray she found a new, self-respecting way of life. I wonder if I handled it as well as I could have. — Name Withheld

From the Ethicist:

Your relationship with this young woman was not that of an accountant or a tax auditor but that of a health care provider. True, she chose to disclose something that gave you grounds to believe that she had been misreporting her income. But there are people whose job it is to deal with that issue (although fraudulent claims submitted by providers are a bigger problem for Medicaid than ineligible recipients are). You say you didn’t want to risk your medical license. Has anyone you know lost a medical license because a patient misrepresented her income to the state Medicaid program? Whatever your personal opinions might be about this woman’s livelihood, your job was to keep her healthy, not to keep her honest.

Here’s another question. Would society be better off if doctors were known to refuse to process Medicaid claims when patients gave them reason to suspect that they had underreported their earnings to the government? Under those circumstances, surely, such patients would learn to be more discreet around doctors — which might mean refraining from providing medically relevant information. I understand that you didn’t want to be a party to fraud. It’s still best if doctors aren’t in the business of assessing their patients’ income tier and policing eligibility. Burdening someone with high out-of-pocket expenses can be just as limiting to patient care as overt refusals to provide treatment.

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Election latest: 'Extremely troubling' footage emerges of Tory association students singing Nazi song

Rishi Sunak says Labour would cause "irreversible damage within just 100 days of coming to power" led by Sir Keir Starmer. Meanwhile, Nigel Farage faced questions from Trevor Phillips on racist comments made by a Reform canvasser.

Sunday 30 June 2024 13:47, UK

General Election 2024

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Farage says he 'doesn't want to know' racists
Sunak insists he can still win election
Has Labour chosen wealthy pensioners over children in poverty?
'Extremely troubling' footage emerges of Tory association students singing Nazi song
Reform drops three candidates over racism row
Rob Powell: With more coverage comes more scrutiny
Politics at Jack and Sam's : The last weekend
Live reporting by Faith Ridler and (earlier) Niamh Lynch

Election essentials

Manifesto pledges: Conservatives | Greens | Labour | Lib Dems | Plaid | Reform | SNP
Trackers: Who's leading polls? | Is PM keeping promises?
Campaign Heritage: Memorable moments from elections gone by
Follow Sky's politics podcasts: Electoral Dysfunction | Politics At Jack And Sam's
Read more: Who is standing down? | Key seats to watch | What counts as voter ID? | Check if your constituency is changing | Guide to election lingo
How to watch election on Sky News

Since Rishi Sunak called the election, Sky News' Politics Hub has been looking back over memorable moments from campaigns gone by.

From David Cameron 's football own goal, to an upstart Nick Clegg emerging as the unlikely victor from the UK's first televised leaders debate, there were plenty to choose from.

We've collated them all here for you to reminisce on - and a fair warning, given the fine weather we've had this week, one might leave you craving some ice cream…

Reform UK leader Nigel Farage is addressing his party's rally in Birmingham now.

Entering the stage to chants of his name - and fireworks - Mr Farage says Reform UK is a party that believes in "having fun and enjoying life".

He explains how at "very short notice" he decided to become leader of the party.

"I simply could not stand aside."

Mr Farage refers to "slippery Sunak", and Sir Keir Starmer, who he says doesn't know how to lead the UK in difficult times.

"Keir Starmer has the charisma of a damp rag," the Reform UK leader says.

He also claims the BBC has "abused its power" as the national broadcaster, to loud applause from those in the room.

Mr Farage says he will campaign to abolish the licence fee.

By Josephine Franks , news reporter

When the polling stations close at 10pm on 4 July, thousands of ballot counters will be flexing their fingers, ready for what could be a very long night's work.

All the country's votes will be counted - and recounted - by hand.

But what is it like to be one of the people tasked with delivering democracy by dawn?

Sky News spoke to five ballot counters - who between them have worked more than 100 elections - to find out...

Rishi Sunak has said he still believes he will win the general election.

Asked by the BBC whether he thought he would still be prime minister on Friday, he replied: "Yes. I'm fighting very hard and I think people are waking up to the real danger of what a Labour government means."

Polls have almost consistently shown that the Tories are 20 points behind Labour.

Mr Sunak also hit back at what he claimed was a "declinist narrative" when asked whether it was a mistake to change course on net zero.

BBC presenter Laura Kuenssberg pointed out that some people, including the independent climate change committee, believe the UK has lost its status as a leader on the issue.

The broadcaster also said there was "plenty of evidence" that the economic reality of Brexit is that Britain's standing long-term is "more challenging".

Asked whether he thought the shift was a mistake, the prime minister appeared frustrated as he said: "No, and actually you started that question with something that I fundamentally disagree with: 'Because of Brexit, we've lost our standing in the world'."

Told that was not what she had said, he replied: "You said we've lost our standing in the world. That's completely and utterly wrong."

Mr Sunak cited Britain building new nuclear submarines with Australia and the United States, and the negotiation of the Windsor Framework with the EU and support for Ukraine.

He claimed that "people are queuing up to work with us because they respect what we do".

"So I just completely reject that, it's entirely wrong, this kind of declinist narrative that people have of the UK I wholeheartedly reject."

Hats in support of Donald Trump and Union Flag jackets were spotted at the Reform UK rally at the NEC in Birmingham this afternoon.

Dozens of people have gathered to watch Reform UK leader Nigel Farage address the major campaign event, bidding for votes ahead of Thursday's election.

A group of students from the Warwick University Conservatives Association have been condemned for an "utterly abhorrent" video in which they sing a Nazi marching song.

The clip, taken at a chairman's dinner at the Warwick Conservatives Association two weeks ago, shows members singing "Erika" - a song used by the SS and the armed forces of Nazi Germany.

In a statement, the Union of Jewish Students condemned a "blatant and unchallenged support for Nazism".

"The blatant and unchallenged support for Nazism at the Warwick Conservatives Association 'chairman's dinner' is utterly abhorrent," it said.

"Glorification of the Nazis has no place in our society, especially on campus. It is in no way acceptable and must be widely condemned.

"We expect swift and decisive action from the University of Warwick and the Conservative Party. Actions must have consequences.”

Additionally, a spokesperson for Warwick University said: "We have been made aware of this video and the allegations surrounding it, which are extremely troubling.

"Behaviour like this is reprehensible and we are disappointed to see our students involved.

“The university is reviewing the material disclosed to us via our reporting service and has notified the Student's Union.

"We have requested a meeting with the Jewish Society (Jsoc) to assist with our review.”

Our live poll tracker collates the results of opinion surveys carried out by all the main polling organisations - and allows you to see how the political parties are performing in the run-up to the general election.

With under a week to go, the Tories and Labour have taken a drop, while support for Reform UK and the Liberal Democrats is on the rise.

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